(1401,13,'2012-02-12 02:48:36','2012-02-12 02:48:36','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest. From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown &amp; White (September 17, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1392\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Cartoon by Gene Mater in The Brown &amp; White (September 14, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1390\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"238\" caption=\"Lehigh student dances with his date at a mixer (Epitome 1970, p.252).  Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries. \"]<img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image3\" width=\"238\" height=\"446\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1390\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1389\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"278\" caption=\"Alpha Lambda Omega fraternity member list from Epitome, Lehigh’s yearbook (1970, p. 233).  Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries. \"]<img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image2.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image2\" width=\"278\" height=\"434\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1389\" />[/caption]','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-4','','','2012-02-12 02:48:36','2012-02-12 02:48:36','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision-4/',0,'revision','',0),(1395,13,'2012-02-12 02:41:39','2012-02-12 02:41:39','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\n\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest.  From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown & White (September 17, 1971).  Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" />[/caption]\n\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40).  Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" />[/caption]\n\n','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision','','','2012-02-12 02:41:39','2012-02-12 02:41:39','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1717,13,'2012-03-06 23:54:14','2012-03-06 23:54:14','','Archives, Remixed','','inherit','open','open','','18-revision-9','','','2012-03-06 23:54:14','2012-03-06 23:54:14','',18,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/18-revision-9/',0,'revision','',0),(1396,13,'2012-02-12 02:43:23','2012-02-12 02:43:23','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest. From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown &amp; White (September 17, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1392\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Cartoon by Gene Mater in The Brown &amp; White (September 14, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-2','','','2012-02-12 02:43:23','2012-02-12 02:43:23','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision-2/',0,'revision','',0),(1397,13,'2012-02-11 02:23:11','2012-02-11 02:23:11','','Archival Materials into Documentary Film','','inherit','open','open','','1108-revision-5','','','2012-02-11 02:23:11','2012-02-11 02:23:11','',1108,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1108-revision-5/',0,'revision','',0),(1398,19,'2012-11-17 05:22:47','2012-11-17 05:22:47','[photospace exclude=3556]','Lehigh - Archival Materials','Click on the image above to see a slideshow of some of the archival materials used in the documentary.','inherit','open','open','','1387-autosave','','','2012-11-17 05:22:47','2012-11-17 05:22:47','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-autosave/',0,'revision','',0),(1696,13,'2012-03-01 22:44:47','2012-03-01 22:44:47','[portfolio_slideshow]','Lehigh - Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-24','','','2012-03-01 22:44:47','2012-03-01 22:44:47','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1387-revision-24/',0,'revision','',0),(1697,13,'2012-02-17 08:11:32','2012-02-17 08:11:32','','360°','','inherit','open','open','','16-revision-30','','','2012-02-17 08:11:32','2012-02-17 08:11:32','',16,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/16-revision-30/',0,'revision','',0),(1707,13,'2012-03-06 23:38:49','2012-03-06 23:38:49','','Child Posts','','publish','closed','closed','','acf_child-posts','','','2012-10-19 03:04:53','2012-10-19 03:04:53','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?post_type=acf&#038;p=1707',0,'acf','',0),(1708,13,'2011-04-30 17:29:49','2011-04-30 17:29:49','','Archives, Remixed','','inherit','open','open','','18-revision-7','','','2011-04-30 17:29:49','2011-04-30 17:29:49','',18,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/18-revision-7/',0,'revision','',0),(1709,13,'2012-03-06 23:50:15','2012-03-06 23:50:15','','Archives Remixed','','inherit','open','open','','acf_archives-remixed','','','2012-03-06 23:50:15','2012-03-06 23:50:15','',1707,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/acf_archives-remixed/',0,'revision','',0),(1710,13,'2012-03-06 23:45:05','2012-03-06 23:45:05','','Archives, Remixed','','inherit','open','open','','18-revision-8','','','2012-03-06 23:45:05','2012-03-06 23:45:05','',18,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/18-revision-8/',0,'revision','',0),(1711,2,'2012-03-07 00:26:32','2012-03-07 00:26:32','“So, how do we bring students to our table?” That was the question a special collections librarian asked in 1999. <sup><a id=\"ref1\" href=\"#fn1\">[1]</a></sup> Now, in 2012, the question is no longer <em>how</em>: “Teaching with primary source materials is unquestionably ‘hot’ in higher education [as] authentic rare books, manuscripts, or archival documents\" appear in many undergraduate classrooms. <sup><a id=\"ref2\" href=\"#fn2\">[2]</a></sup>\r\n\r\nThe table is full; the effort to bring undergraduates into special collections and archives has been enormously successful. What matters now is how to turn these encounters to account. What happens in the archival laboratory, a place where students are actively involved in research, stewardship, publication, and exhibits? How do librarians, curators, archivists, instructors, and technology specialists collaborate to get such projects off the ground? How do we make use of these encounters to develop research and interpretive skills, showcase students’ findings, and learn from their discoveries? What do students report that they have gained through their archival experiences?\r\n\r\nIn this issue of “Archives, Remixed,” we present six case studies illustrating inventive solutions to these dilemmas of success. The parameters and formats of these projects demonstrate the diversity of ways to teach with primary source materials: not all of the projects take place in a classroom context (although some do); not all the student work is authored singly (although some is). Some projects involve one institution, while others involve partnerships with local organizations or other universities or colleges; some projects are more analog, others more digital; and some end when the student’s work is complete, while others continue. The projects all have historical claims, but the array of objects under consideration—architectural drawings, photographs, ancient statuary, newspaper clippings, rare books, personal mementos—speaks to many disciplines. The academic institutions where these projects originate, from a community college to liberal arts colleges to a research university, vary as much as the projects themselves.\r\n\r\nEach case study focuses on the work students produce in these archival encounters. On each case-study page, you will find a sample of student work accompanied by a project description; commentary on the project by the student(s); commentary from the teachers, librarians, and/or technologists who structured the projects and guided students through them; as well as links to related or additional resources.\r\n\r\nWe invite you to explore, to comment, and to use these case studies as fodder for your own research and teaching projects.\r\n<div class=\"footnote\"><sup id=\"fn1\">[1]</sup>Allen, Susan M. “Rare Books and the College Library: Current Practices in Marrying Undergraduates to Special Collections.” Rare Books &amp; Manuscripts Librarianship 13.2 (Spring 1999): 110-19.</div>\r\n<div class=\"footnote\"><sup id=\"fn1\">[2]</sup> Bahde, Anne. “Taking the Show on the Road: Special Collections Instruction in the Campus Classroom.” RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, &amp; Cultural Heritage 12.2 (Fall 2011): 75.</div>','Undergraduates in the Archives','What happens in the archival laboratory, a place where students are actively involved in research, stewardship, publication, and exhibits? These six case studies answer this question by showcasing student work that emerges from hands-on archival work, including course papers, robots, digitized images, documentary film, and more.  Each case study features the student work, accompanied and contextualized by a project description; commentary on the project by the student(s); and commentary from the teachers, librarians, and/or technologists who worked with the students.','publish','open','open','','student-projects','','','2012-11-18 04:27:34','2012-11-18 04:27:34','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1711',11,'post','',0),(1765,13,'2012-04-25 00:18:49','2012-04-25 00:18:49','','Student Project Case Studies','','inherit','open','open','','1711-revision-10','','','2012-04-25 00:18:49','2012-04-25 00:18:49','',1711,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1711-revision-10/',0,'revision','',0),(1766,13,'2012-03-07 05:10:52','2012-03-07 05:10:52','','Mapping the Provenance of Museum Objects','The final project for students enrolled in the course Behind the Scenes at the Walters Art Museum: Material Migrations, offered at the Walters Art Museum through Johns Hopkins University, was to trace the provenance of museum objects and describe their historical significance through Google Earth tours. This case study features the work of three students. Their tours, as well as those of several others, have been published by the Walters Art Museum as part of the online exhibit <a href=\"http://thewalters.org/earth/\" target=\"_blank\">Art on the Move</a>.','inherit','open','open','','1121-revision-45','','','2012-03-07 05:10:52','2012-03-07 05:10:52','',1121,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1121-revision-45/',0,'revision','',0),(1767,13,'2012-04-23 16:55:33','2012-04-23 16:55:33','','Archival Materials into Documentary Film','Students in an English and Women’s Studies undergraduate course at Lehigh University used materials from Lehigh’s Special Collections and University Archives to create a documentary film. The students used these archival resources, along with interviews and other research, to tell a chapter of their own institution’s history, focusing on issues of gender and masculinity as Lehigh went from all-male to coed in 1971.','inherit','open','open','','1108-revision-12','','','2012-04-23 16:55:33','2012-04-23 16:55:33','',1108,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1108-revision-12/',0,'revision','',0),(1806,13,'2012-05-28 18:09:16','2012-05-28 18:09:16','The final project for students enrolled in the course Behind the Scenes at the Walters Art Museum: Material Migrations, offered at the Walters Art Museum through Johns Hopkins University, was to trace the provenance of museum objects and describe their historical significance through Google Earth tours. This case study features the work of three students. Their tours, as well as those of several others, have been published by the Walters Art Museum as part of the online exhibit <a href=\"http://thewalters.org/earth/\" target=\"_blank\">Art on the Move</a>.','Mapping the Provenance of Museum Objects','','inherit','open','open','','1121-revision-48','','','2012-05-28 18:09:16','2012-05-28 18:09:16','',1121,'http://www.archivejournal.net/issue/2/uncategorized/1121-revision-48/',0,'revision','',0),(1713,13,'2012-03-07 00:26:25','2012-03-07 00:26:25','','Case Studies','','inherit','open','open','','1711-revision','','','2012-03-07 00:26:25','2012-03-07 00:26:25','',1711,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1711-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1714,13,'2012-03-07 00:26:32','2012-03-07 00:26:32','','Case Studies','','inherit','open','open','','1711-revision-2','','','2012-03-07 00:26:32','2012-03-07 00:26:32','',1711,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1711-revision-2/',0,'revision','',0),(1715,2,'2012-11-18 04:28:38','2012-11-18 04:28:38','“So, how do we bring students to our table?” That was the question a special collections librarian asked in 1999. <sup><a id=\"ref1\" href=\"#fn1\">[1]</a></sup> Now, in 2012, the question is no longer <em>how</em>: “Teaching with primary source materials is unquestionably ‘hot’ in higher education [as] authentic rare books, manuscripts, or archival documents\" appear in many undergraduate classrooms. <sup><a id=\"ref2\" href=\"#fn2\">[2]</a></sup>\n\nThe table is full; the effort to bring undergraduates into special collections and archives has been enormously successful. What matters now is how to turn these encounters to account. What happens in the archival laboratory, a place where students are actively involved in research, stewardship, publication, and exhibits? How do librarians, curators, archivists, instructors, and technology specialists collaborate to get such projects off the ground? How do we make use of these encounters to develop research and interpretive skills, showcase students’ findings, and learn from their discoveries? What do students report that they have gained through their archival experiences?\n\nIn this issue of “Archives, Remixed,” we present six case studies illustrating inventive solutions to these dilemmas of success. The parameters and formats of these projects demonstrate the diversity of ways to teach with primary source materials: not all of the projects take place in a classroom context (although some do); not all the student work is authored singly (although some is). Some projects involve one institution, while others involve partnerships with local organizations or other universities or colleges; some projects are more analog, others more digital; and some end when the student’s work is complete, while others continue. The projects all have historical claims, but the array of objects under consideration—architectural drawings, photographs, ancient statuary, newspaper clippings, rare books, personal mementos—speaks to many disciplines. The academic institutions where these projects originate, from a community college to liberal arts colleges to a research university, vary as much as the projects themselves.\n\nEach case study focuses on the work students produce in these archival encounters. On each case-study page, you will find a sample of student work accompanied by a project description; commentary on the project by the student(s); commentary from the teachers, librarians, and/or technologists who structured the projects and guided students through them; as well as links to related or additional resources.\n\nWe invite you to explore, to comment, and to use these case studies as fodder for your own research and teaching projects.\n<div class=\"footnote\"><sup id=\"fn1\">[1]</sup>Allen, Susan M. “Rare Books and the College Library: Current Practices in Marrying Undergraduates to Special Collections.” Rare Books &amp; Manuscripts Librarianship 13.2 (Spring 1999): 110-19.</div>\n<div class=\"footnote\"><sup id=\"fn1\">[2]</sup> Bahde, Anne. “Taking the Show on the Road: Special Collections Instruction in the Campus Classroom.” RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, &amp; Cultural Heritage 12.2 (Fall 2011): 75.</div>','Undergraduates in the Archives','What happens in the archival laboratory, a place where students are actively involved in research, stewardship, publication, and exhibits? These six case studies answer this question by showcasing student work that emerges from hands-on archival work, including course papers, robots, digitized images, documentary film, and more.  Each case study features the student work, accompanied and contextualized by a project description; commentary on the project by the student(s); and commentary from the teachers, librarians, and/or technologists who worked with the students.','inherit','open','open','','1711-autosave','','','2012-11-18 04:28:38','2012-11-18 04:28:38','',1711,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1711-autosave/',0,'revision','',0),(1399,13,'2012-02-12 02:43:37','2012-02-12 02:43:37','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest. From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown &amp; White (September 17, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1392\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Cartoon by Gene Mater in The Brown &amp; White (September 14, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-3','','','2012-02-12 02:43:37','2012-02-12 02:43:37','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision-3/',0,'revision','',0),(1404,13,'2012-02-12 03:12:40','2012-02-12 03:12:40','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest. From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown &amp; White (September 17, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1392\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Cartoon by Gene Mater in The Brown &amp; White (September 14, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1390\" width=\"238\" caption=\"Lehigh student dances with his date at a mixer (Epitome 1970, p.252). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1390\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"238\" height=\"446\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1400\" width=\"328\" caption=\"Alpha Lambda Omega fraternity member list from Epitome, Lehigh’s yearbook (1970, p. 233). 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Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1390\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"238\" caption=\"Lehigh student dances with his date at a mixer (Epitome 1970, p.252). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1390\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"238\" height=\"446\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1410\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"378\" caption=\"Alpha Lambda Omega fraternity member list from Epitome, Lehigh’s yearbook (1970, p. 233). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1410\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image2\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"378\" height=\"515\" />[/caption]','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-19','','','2012-02-12 03:31:31','2012-02-12 03:31:31','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision-19/',0,'revision','',0),(1418,13,'2012-02-12 03:32:08','2012-02-12 03:32:08','[caption id=\"attachment_1391\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"499\" caption=\"Photograph of the Class of 1948’s 15th reunion (1963). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1391\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image4\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"499\" height=\"350\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1388\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"The Trade with Cedar Crest. From Lehigh’s student newspaper, The Brown &amp; White (September 17, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1388\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"306\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1392\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Cartoon by Gene Mater in The Brown &amp; White (September 14, 1971). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1392\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image5\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"322\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1394\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"308\" caption=\"Some students were clearly for coeducation, assembling and speaking out at rallies. (The Brown &amp; White, April 18, 1969). Image courtesy of Lehigh University Digital Library.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1394\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image7\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"308\" height=\"246\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1393\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Student Gene Mater speaking out at a student event (Epitome 1970, p.40). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1393\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image6\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"471\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1390\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"238\" caption=\"Lehigh student dances with his date at a mixer (Epitome 1970, p.252). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1390\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"238\" height=\"446\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1410\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"378\" caption=\"Alpha Lambda Omega fraternity member list from Epitome, Lehigh’s yearbook (1970, p. 233). Reproduced by permission from Special Collections, Lehigh University Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1410\" title=\"lehigh_student work_image2\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/lehigh_student-work_image2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"378\" height=\"515\" />[/caption]','Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-20','','','2012-02-12 03:32:08','2012-02-12 03:32:08','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1387-revision-20/',0,'revision','',0),(1419,13,'2012-02-12 01:42:37','2012-02-12 01:42:37','[caption id=\"attachment_1368\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"386\" caption=\"Image of James A. Bible (c. 1860) from the Ramsey Family Papers (MS 81). Saunders worked on this image for the SETDA. Used by permission of Cleveland Public Library.\"]<a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-1368\" title=\"cscc_student work_sample material\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/cscc_student-work_sample-material.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"386\" height=\"640\" /></a>[/caption]','History Lab: Combining Service Learning, Research Methods, and Digital Archives ','','inherit','open','open','','1018-revision-11','','','2012-02-12 01:42:37','2012-02-12 01:42:37','',1018,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1018-revision-11/',0,'revision','',0),(1420,13,'2012-02-14 06:26:12','2012-02-14 06:26:12','','Supplement Info','','inherit','open','open','','acf_supplement-info','','','2012-02-14 06:26:12','2012-02-14 06:26:12','',980,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/acf_supplement-info/',0,'revision','',0),(1421,13,'2012-02-14 06:30:32','2012-02-14 06:30:32','','My Card Is Full','','inherit','open','open','','my_card_is_full','','','2012-02-14 06:30:32','2012-02-14 06:30:32','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/my_card_is_full.pdf',0,'attachment','application/pdf',0),(1422,13,'2012-02-11 23:08:55','2012-02-11 23:08:55','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-13','','','2012-02-11 23:08:55','2012-02-11 23:08:55','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-13/',0,'revision','',0),(1423,13,'2012-02-14 06:30:52','2012-02-14 06:30:52','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-14','','','2012-02-14 06:30:52','2012-02-14 06:30:52','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-14/',0,'revision','',0),(1424,13,'2012-02-14 06:34:59','2012-02-14 06:34:59','','Supplement Info','','inherit','open','open','','acf_supplement-info-2','','','2012-02-14 06:34:59','2012-02-14 06:34:59','',980,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/acf_supplement-info-2/',0,'revision','',0),(1432,13,'2012-02-14 06:41:49','2012-02-14 06:41:49','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s <em>Emma</em>. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.\r\n\r\nThe inside of the custom-made blue book box is coated with a light perimeter of oil damage. Nancy Magnuson, one of Goucher’s librarians and liaisons for the Special Collections, said that Alberta Burke felt so attached to the books and bindings in her collections that she oiled the leather twice a year, far more then necessary. The first volume’s brown leather is faded and has been repaired after cracking. On the inside cover are two pasted rectangular cutouts. The first, measuring 3.5cm tall and 8cm wide, reads “Countess of Dalhousie” in delicate black print. The mysterious figure of the Countess Dalhousie intrigued both David Gilson and Alberta Burke. In a letter dated August 15th 1967 Burke wrote, “The Countess of Dalhousie’s signature, but no date, is on the title page. I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence that she purchased it in new york when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor-general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\nFive months later Burke and Gilson are still perplexed by the elusive Countess and her involvement with the edition. On January 12th, 1968 she writes to Gilson hoping to answer the questions he’d had about the 1816 Philadelphia Emma. She notes that over the first half of the page in volume I there is a note in pencil, “not I think in Sasoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sasoon to Mr. Hogan.” The note, hand-written in pencil that has faded to the extent of being almost translucent, reads “Countess of D- wife to the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc 1819-1828- this explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\n\r\nThese pieces of evidence show that after being published by M. Carey in Philadelphia, this edition left Chesnut Street and most likely traveled into the hands of Lady Dalhousie. “This copy,” Gilson writes in his bibliography of Jane Austen, “was in the present century found in Salisbury by Siegfried Sassoon.”\r\n\r\nIn the same letter dated August 15th, 1967 in which she writes to Gilson about her romantic notion that the Countess of Dalhousie purchased Emma when visiting New York, she alludes to another letter involving Siegfried Sassoon. “You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” She writes specifically to Gilson that, “ this is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.” Alberta Burke must have known this would tickle David Gilson’s fancy. Since Gilson first intended to write his bibliography on Jane Austen as a revised edition Geoffrey Keynes’s 1929 bibliography, he would understand Muir’s frustration with people encroaching on his research topic.\r\n\r\nBetween the letters from Burke and Gilson and the evidence left behind inside Emma, the provenance of this edition is fairly clear. Emma travels from the Philadelphia publisher to the Countess to Siegfried Sassoon. Inside the first volume of the Emma being examined lays a piece of lavender stationary, measuring 17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, folded in half. Opening it reveals that at the top of the stationary is typed “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” and at the end of the letter is the minute script signature of Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\nThe letter, addressed to Muir, dated March 12th, 1941 is written in Sassoon’s light and witty style. He starts his letter with, “Emma returns to you in a twitter of excitement about going to California. She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man, though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she gets to know him.” He then jokes with Muir at the expense of Keynes, writing how “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something about it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?”\r\n\r\nIn 1941 Sassoon sold the edition through Elkin Mathews to Frank J. Hogan (Gilson, 100). Under the Countess of Dalhousie’s book label is the red leather label of Frank J. Hogan. Around the name in gold lettering it reads “the true university of these days is a collection of books.”\r\n\r\nIn addition to the lavender letter from Siegfried Sassoon, two additional correspondences hide between the inside cover and the title page. One letter was written to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir relating that the 1816 Philadelphia edition of Emma was on its way. The stationary was that of The Antiquarian Booksellers Association, shown by the stamp on the top right corner. Printed at the top is the name “Elkin Mathews LTD” followed by the director’s names: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P. H. Muir. Underneath the names describes the objects in which these men were interested in: “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”\r\n\r\nLetters leading to other letters seems to be a theme when following this first American edition of Emma. In the letter to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir, Muir writes how he feels it is important that Mr. Hogan also get, along with the copy of Emma, the letter from Mr. Sassoon (the lavender letter found in the first volume.) “I think it is only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books.” The truth in Muir’s statement could not be more paramount as it relates to this particular edition of Emma. Burke and Gilson’s letter lead to examining the 1816 Philadelphia edition, which hold the additional correspondences from Sassoon and Muir. Being able to handle and analyze one of the three first American editions is a privilege in itself (Gilson, 100). Yet more than just handling the two volumes, I found the circuit of corresponding materials equally intriguing and helpful to track how the book came from Philadelphia, to the Countess Dalhousie, to Siegfried Sassoon to Frank J. Hogan and finally to Alberta Burke.\r\n\r\nThe last letter found inside the first volume relating to Emma’s provenance is from Mr. Muir to Alberta Burke. Muir writes to Alberta on different stationary then when writing to Mr. Hogan, perhaps to add a more personal touch. Typed on yellow paper with the green “Elkin Mathews Ltd” insignia printed at the top, the letter is typed and dated May 22nd, 1945. Mr. Muir writes that Mr. Hogan purchased the first American 1816 Philadelphia edition for Alberta for only 300 dollars. “I congratulate you,” he writes, “on getting it so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare.”\r\n\r\nThe last letter from Alberta Burke to David Gilson is dated February 4th, 1975. After this date the Austen letters continue between Alberta’s husband Henry Burke and David Gilson. After Alberta’s death on May 22nd, 1975 Goucher’s library received her Jane Austen collection. According to Goucher’s pamphlet “Twenty-Five Years of Jane Austen,” Alberta had always intended to donate the collection to Goucher. “From the time when my Jane Austen material first began to overflow the one-shelf bounds assigned to it, I have always intended that Goucher should be the ultimate recipient, and I have hoped that, sometime in the future, others would partake of the very great pleasure which they have given me for many years.”\r\n\r\nWhen David Gilson in 1982 published A Bibliography of Jane Austen he acknowledged his gratitude to Alberta and Henry Burke. Both Alberta Burke and David Gilson benefited from their letters to one another. Alberta Burke, with her deep seeded love and interest in all things Austen, was able to help David Gilson with his mission to track down Austen texts, study and describe them.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nGilson, David. <em>A Bibliography of Jane Austen</em>. first. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982.\r\n\r\nAusten, Jane. <em>Emma</em>. First. Philadelphia: M.Carey, 1816.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters From Alberta Burke to David Gilson</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Apartment Stationary” 18.8 cm tall x 25.9 cm wide, written section is 18.8cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, red print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray and maroon thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Gray Apartment Stationary” 18.8cm tall x 25.9cm wide, written section is 18.8 cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, gray print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Small Note Card” 14cm tall x 8.4cm wide, thicker note-card type cream paper, written only on one side, addressed to “Mr. D.J Gilson, J1 Blenheim Drive Oxford OX2 8DL England” Airmail! is written above the address in red marker. “Burke 1318 Broadview Apts. 116 W. University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210” is typed in upper left corner. Written in blue ink.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>August 5, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\nTells Mr. Gilson that she has the Frank J. Hogan copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\n<strong>August 15, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n<em>Written in black fountain pen (script writing), fairly uniform line spacing</em>\r\n\r\n“You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” This is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.”\r\n“Since my copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma…her signature, but no date, is on the title page) I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence, that she purchased it as a new work when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor- general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\n<strong>January 12, 1968</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I hope that I can answer your questions about the Philadelphia 1816 Emma satisfactorily. On inside cover of both volumes is a book place or visiting card (I don’t know which it is) bearing only the engraved words “Coweliers Dalhousie”…no device etc. In the first volume at the left and perpendicular to the lives of priutsey on the title pages is the signature “Cou C Dalhousie” (there is a bit of extra curlicue over the first letter.) However in volume two the signature…is plainly “C B Dalhousie” over the first preliminary half of volume I here is a note in pencil, not I think in Sassoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sassoon to Mr. Hogan.”\r\n\r\n<strong>June 10, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“Does Mr. C.B. Hogan’s copy of the 1st Am. E [Emma] conform to the Goodspeed, Boolm Cat. No 317, p.4, 1940 description: “Three vols. In 2…Published by M. Cary. 21 Chestnut St. ….Boston 1816.” I – not sure M. Hogan’s article so can’t collate my copy until his description of his E of my 1st edition is bound(?)”\r\n\r\n<strong>November 18, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I was delighted to know of a 3rd (if imperfect copy of the Philadelphia E turning up. When I first read the description of it in Goodspeeds (I think) 1940 catalogue I thought it was some Bookshop.\r\n#16 went for $1300 to the same buyer\r\n#17 “ “ 550 “ “ “\r\n#18 $40.00\r\n#19 $35.00\r\n#20 (The companion to the A--) was valued at $1250 00 by the estate and had a reserve price of $550 which was not reached so that the item was withdrawn.”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 11, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small Note Card</em>\r\n\r\n“In looking for something else, I picked out a letter of Dr. R.W. Chapurace to me dated 13.10.51. In it he says “The 1816 Philadelphia Emma was the result of Scott’s Quarterly Review, I guess. One day I looked out [the word looks like “whatelup” but this is impossible!] 2 R 1826 and found that it is of a ‘New Edition’ N.A+P that lso is unrecorded.” I haven’t checked further to see if I, or any one else has these listed, and perhaps, I am first causing you unnecessary trouble or being commonly behind the fair.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 16, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“The only first in boards which I have which has its labels intact (they match Keynes) is M.P. The E has had the backstrips repaired and the N.A.+P 2 packstrips have crumbled away completely + 2 are very cracked + missing the labels”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters from Gilson to Henry Burke (after Alberta falls ill)</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Small White Paper” 17.9cm tall x 13.7cm wide, blue ink, almost transparent white paper, written on only one side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>June 14th, 1975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“I see that Sotheby’s are selling on 23rd of June “an autograph letter by Jane Austen to her publisher commenting on the review of her novel Emma by Sir Walter Scott”: presumably RWC 127, marked as ‘original not traced’. I suppose the Pierpont Morgan will be bidding for this!”\r\n\r\n<strong>August 3rd, 975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n\r\n“It would be very kind if you could give me the correct address of Goucher College, and also the name of the librarian whom I should contact with any query relating to Alberta’s books (there may be queries over some of the rarer items, especially the 1816 Philadelphia Emma.)”\r\n\r\n<strong>October 16th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Pape</em><em>r</em>\r\n<em></em><em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“I spent a very interesting morning on 1st September at John Murray in Albemarte Street; they kindly allowed me to see their ledgers, giving the publication costs and other details of the first editions of Emma and Northanger Abbey and Persuasion.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 26th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper. </em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Miss Jones of Goucher College has very kindly sent me-free of charge- an excellent photograph of the title page of Vol.1 of Alberta’s copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma (my reproduction in the Autumn 1969 Book Collector was from a Xerox of Mr. Hogan’s copy; this photograph is much clearer).”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 20th, 1977</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Christie’s sold first editions of Emma and of Northanger Abbey and Persuasion on 2nd February- not particularly good copies (from the catalogue descriptions) although with the half-titles in each case; I don’t know who bought them, but they fetched 350 pounds and 230 pounds respectively. I have been given an extremely imperfect copy of the first-edition of Emma, consisting only of Vol.1 (lacking the half-title), and Vol.3 (lacking all before p.19.) It clearly has no commercial value, but still seems worth having.”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside First Volume of 1816 Philadelphia <em>Emma</em></h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, grayish blue stationary with “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” printed on top, dated “12a.3.41,” hand written in script, black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Muir,\r\n‘Emma’ returns to you in a twitter of excitement about ‘going to California.’ She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she has got to know him.\r\nSeriously- I am greatly obliged to you and --- agree to your 15% etc, and my wish you are making a bit more out of it. (G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he would say, he ---- collate it as he wants to write something about it for the ----- which his --- on your ---, isn’t it?) ….\r\nYours, SS (written on top of each other)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1316\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Siegfried Sassoon&#39;s letter to Percy Muir, antiquarian book dealer, regarding Sassoon&#39;s sale of the American first edition of Emma to Frank J. Hogan (dated December 3, 1941). The letter was discovered inside the front cover of the Burke Collection copy.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1316\" title=\"goucher_student work image3_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image3_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"857\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>“Antiquarian Booksellers Association” stamp on top left, written March 18, 1941 and received April 17, 1941 (received date written in pencil on top right corner,) stationary is of “Elkin Mathews LTD. Directors: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P.H. Muir,” underneath is typed “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Hogan,\r\nThis is just a brief note formally to announce the fact that “Emma” left here today on her long journey to California. I think it only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books. I think Siegfried Sassoon a great writer and I would be glad to have this letter myself were I buying one of his books, and I have the feeling that you may think that way, too, so I enclose the letter. He was a great friend and admirer of Charlotte Mew’s, by the way, which may help to endear him to you.\r\nWith every good wish and kind regards,\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP. H. MuirHand\r\nwritten note (in same green ink as Muir’s signature) written below signature of “P.H Muir”:\r\n“Note the date on SS’s letter, evidently written on 131h”\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 3</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Yellow paper, green “Elkin Mathews Ltd,” dated May 22, 1945, typed in faded black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mrs. Burke,\r\nThank you very much indeed for your letter of May 6th. I congratulate you on getting the “Emma” so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare and Mr. Hogan as very glad to pay 300 dollars for it. I mention the price in dollars because at the time he bought it the 1-pound was below par and fluctuating, so that the price was actually quoted in dollars. I say that the price was set by Mr. Sassoon and not by me, but I saw no reason at the time to take exception to it.\r\nI always have you in mind for any interesting Jane Austen items, which turn up.\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP.H. Muir (signed in green ink)\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Emma (1st Edition Philadelphia 1816)</h5>\r\n18.3cm tall x 11.1cm (cover)\r\n\r\n<em>Inside Cover</em>\r\ncut and pasted paper of: COUNTESS OF DALHOUSIE, below: maroon and gold sticker of: Ex Libris Frank J. Hogan (around name says: the true university of these days is a collection of books”\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nwritten by hand in faded pencil: ”Countess of d.- wife of the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc. 1819-1828- This explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\nunder this is the paper square for the “Alberta H. Burke”\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1314\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Title page of the Burke Collection copy of the American first edition of Jane Austen&#39;s Emma (Philadelphia: M. Carey; for sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston, 1816).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1314\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"1080\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<em>Title Page</em>\r\nEMMA:\r\nA Novel\r\nHere Volumes in Two\r\n(written on side, vertically: A.B. Dallhousie)\r\nBy the Author of “Pride and Prejudice,”\r\n&amp;c. &amp;c.\r\nVol. 1\r\nPHILADELPHIA:\r\nPublished by M.Carey, No. 121 Chesnut Street\r\nAnd for Sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston\r\n1816\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nTo his Royal Highness\r\nThe Prince Regent, This Work Is, By his Royal Highness’s Permission, Most Respectfully Dedicated, By His Royal Highness’s Dutiful and Obedient Humble Servant, The Author.”\r\n\r\n<em>First Page of Text</em>\r\n18cm tall x 9.8cm wide\r\nA2 at bottom of first page – 8 pages later is “B” (vol.1), 4 pages later “B2”, 8 pages later “C” (vol.1.), 4 pages later “C2”, 8 pages later “D” (vol.1)\r\naverage full page text block: 12.5cm tall x 7.4cm wide\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside Second Volume</h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>21.5cm tall x13.9cm wide, typed: “Charles Sessler Inc.” Established 1882, Bookseller and Printseller 1308 Walnut Street Philadelphia, PA. 19107” stationary</em>\r\n<em> dated April 24, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nIn 1945 we purchased in New York at the sale of the Frank J. Hogan Library, item No. 7, a copy of EMMA, printed in Philadelphia by Carey in 1816.\r\nDo you still have this book and would you be willing to part with it?”\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn (signed in ink)\r\nZ.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Typed, same stationary as letter 1</em>\r\n<em> dated May 3, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nThank you so much for your letter of May 1st.\r\nI am glad that you still have the copy of EMMA. Our inquiry was for a bibliographic purpose. Someone who is working on the bibliography has asked us about the copy we sold you and naturally we followed through for him.\r\nWith best wishes,\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn\r\n-Z.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)','How Emma Travels','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s Emma. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">This student work is available for download or may be read on-line.</span>','inherit','open','open','','1300-revision-21','','','2012-02-14 06:41:49','2012-02-14 06:41:49','',1300,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1300-revision-21/',0,'revision','',0),(1425,13,'2012-02-14 06:32:25','2012-02-14 06:32:25','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-15','','','2012-02-14 06:32:25','2012-02-14 06:32:25','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1426,13,'2012-02-14 06:39:33','2012-02-14 06:39:33','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small\">The student work is available for download or may be read on-line.</span>','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-16','','','2012-02-14 06:39:33','2012-02-14 06:39:33','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-16/',0,'revision','',0),(1427,13,'2012-02-14 06:40:37','2012-02-14 06:40:37','','How Emma Travels','','inherit','open','open','','how_emma_travels','','','2012-02-14 06:40:37','2012-02-14 06:40:37','',1300,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/how_emma_travels.pdf',0,'attachment','application/pdf',0),(1428,13,'2012-02-11 22:54:29','2012-02-11 22:54:29','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s <em>Emma</em>. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.\r\n\r\nThe inside of the custom-made blue book box is coated with a light perimeter of oil damage. Nancy Magnuson, one of Goucher’s librarians and liaisons for the Special Collections, said that Alberta Burke felt so attached to the books and bindings in her collections that she oiled the leather twice a year, far more then necessary. The first volume’s brown leather is faded and has been repaired after cracking. On the inside cover are two pasted rectangular cutouts. The first, measuring 3.5cm tall and 8cm wide, reads “Countess of Dalhousie” in delicate black print. The mysterious figure of the Countess Dalhousie intrigued both David Gilson and Alberta Burke. In a letter dated August 15th 1967 Burke wrote, “The Countess of Dalhousie’s signature, but no date, is on the title page. I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence that she purchased it in new york when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor-general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\nFive months later Burke and Gilson are still perplexed by the elusive Countess and her involvement with the edition. On January 12th, 1968 she writes to Gilson hoping to answer the questions he’d had about the 1816 Philadelphia Emma. She notes that over the first half of the page in volume I there is a note in pencil, “not I think in Sasoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sasoon to Mr. Hogan.” The note, hand-written in pencil that has faded to the extent of being almost translucent, reads “Countess of D- wife to the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc 1819-1828- this explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\n\r\nThese pieces of evidence show that after being published by M. Carey in Philadelphia, this edition left Chesnut Street and most likely traveled into the hands of Lady Dalhousie. “This copy,” Gilson writes in his bibliography of Jane Austen, “was in the present century found in Salisbury by Siegfried Sassoon.”\r\n\r\nIn the same letter dated August 15th, 1967 in which she writes to Gilson about her romantic notion that the Countess of Dalhousie purchased Emma when visiting New York, she alludes to another letter involving Siegfried Sassoon. “You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” She writes specifically to Gilson that, “ this is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.” Alberta Burke must have known this would tickle David Gilson’s fancy. Since Gilson first intended to write his bibliography on Jane Austen as a revised edition Geoffrey Keynes’s 1929 bibliography, he would understand Muir’s frustration with people encroaching on his research topic.\r\n\r\nBetween the letters from Burke and Gilson and the evidence left behind inside Emma, the provenance of this edition is fairly clear. Emma travels from the Philadelphia publisher to the Countess to Siegfried Sassoon. Inside the first volume of the Emma being examined lays a piece of lavender stationary, measuring 17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, folded in half. Opening it reveals that at the top of the stationary is typed “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” and at the end of the letter is the minute script signature of Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\nThe letter, addressed to Muir, dated March 12th, 1941 is written in Sassoon’s light and witty style. He starts his letter with, “Emma returns to you in a twitter of excitement about going to California. She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man, though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she gets to know him.” He then jokes with Muir at the expense of Keynes, writing how “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something about it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?”\r\n\r\nIn 1941 Sassoon sold the edition through Elkin Mathews to Frank J. Hogan (Gilson, 100). Under the Countess of Dalhousie’s book label is the red leather label of Frank J. Hogan. Around the name in gold lettering it reads “the true university of these days is a collection of books.”\r\n\r\nIn addition to the lavender letter from Siegfried Sassoon, two additional correspondences hide between the inside cover and the title page. One letter was written to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir relating that the 1816 Philadelphia edition of Emma was on its way. The stationary was that of The Antiquarian Booksellers Association, shown by the stamp on the top right corner. Printed at the top is the name “Elkin Mathews LTD” followed by the director’s names: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P. H. Muir. Underneath the names describes the objects in which these men were interested in: “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”\r\n\r\nLetters leading to other letters seems to be a theme when following this first American edition of Emma. In the letter to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir, Muir writes how he feels it is important that Mr. Hogan also get, along with the copy of Emma, the letter from Mr. Sassoon (the lavender letter found in the first volume.) “I think it is only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books.” The truth in Muir’s statement could not be more paramount as it relates to this particular edition of Emma. Burke and Gilson’s letter lead to examining the 1816 Philadelphia edition, which hold the additional correspondences from Sassoon and Muir. Being able to handle and analyze one of the three first American editions is a privilege in itself (Gilson, 100). Yet more than just handling the two volumes, I found the circuit of corresponding materials equally intriguing and helpful to track how the book came from Philadelphia, to the Countess Dalhousie, to Siegfried Sassoon to Frank J. Hogan and finally to Alberta Burke.\r\n\r\nThe last letter found inside the first volume relating to Emma’s provenance is from Mr. Muir to Alberta Burke. Muir writes to Alberta on different stationary then when writing to Mr. Hogan, perhaps to add a more personal touch. Typed on yellow paper with the green “Elkin Mathews Ltd” insignia printed at the top, the letter is typed and dated May 22nd, 1945. Mr. Muir writes that Mr. Hogan purchased the first American 1816 Philadelphia edition for Alberta for only 300 dollars. “I congratulate you,” he writes, “on getting it so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare.”\r\n\r\nThe last letter from Alberta Burke to David Gilson is dated February 4th, 1975. After this date the Austen letters continue between Alberta’s husband Henry Burke and David Gilson. After Alberta’s death on May 22nd, 1975 Goucher’s library received her Jane Austen collection. According to Goucher’s pamphlet “Twenty-Five Years of Jane Austen,” Alberta had always intended to donate the collection to Goucher. “From the time when my Jane Austen material first began to overflow the one-shelf bounds assigned to it, I have always intended that Goucher should be the ultimate recipient, and I have hoped that, sometime in the future, others would partake of the very great pleasure which they have given me for many years.”\r\n\r\nWhen David Gilson in 1982 published A Bibliography of Jane Austen he acknowledged his gratitude to Alberta and Henry Burke. Both Alberta Burke and David Gilson benefited from their letters to one another. Alberta Burke, with her deep seeded love and interest in all things Austen, was able to help David Gilson with his mission to track down Austen texts, study and describe them.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nGilson, David. <em>A Bibliography of Jane Austen</em>. first. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982.\r\n\r\nAusten, Jane. <em>Emma</em>. First. Philadelphia: M.Carey, 1816.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters From Alberta Burke to David Gilson</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Apartment Stationary” 18.8 cm tall x 25.9 cm wide, written section is 18.8cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, red print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray and maroon thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Gray Apartment Stationary” 18.8cm tall x 25.9cm wide, written section is 18.8 cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, gray print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Small Note Card” 14cm tall x 8.4cm wide, thicker note-card type cream paper, written only on one side, addressed to “Mr. D.J Gilson, J1 Blenheim Drive Oxford OX2 8DL England” Airmail! is written above the address in red marker. “Burke 1318 Broadview Apts. 116 W. University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210” is typed in upper left corner. Written in blue ink.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>August 5, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\nTells Mr. Gilson that she has the Frank J. Hogan copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\n<strong>August 15, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n<em>Written in black fountain pen (script writing), fairly uniform line spacing</em>\r\n\r\n“You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” This is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.”\r\n“Since my copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma…her signature, but no date, is on the title page) I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence, that she purchased it as a new work when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor- general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\n<strong>January 12, 1968</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I hope that I can answer your questions about the Philadelphia 1816 Emma satisfactorily. On inside cover of both volumes is a book place or visiting card (I don’t know which it is) bearing only the engraved words “Coweliers Dalhousie”…no device etc. In the first volume at the left and perpendicular to the lives of priutsey on the title pages is the signature “Cou C Dalhousie” (there is a bit of extra curlicue over the first letter.) However in volume two the signature…is plainly “C B Dalhousie” over the first preliminary half of volume I here is a note in pencil, not I think in Sassoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sassoon to Mr. Hogan.”\r\n\r\n<strong>June 10, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“Does Mr. C.B. Hogan’s copy of the 1st Am. E [Emma] conform to the Goodspeed, Boolm Cat. No 317, p.4, 1940 description: “Three vols. In 2…Published by M. Cary. 21 Chestnut St. ….Boston 1816.” I – not sure M. Hogan’s article so can’t collate my copy until his description of his E of my 1st edition is bound(?)”\r\n\r\n<strong>November 18, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I was delighted to know of a 3rd (if imperfect copy of the Philadelphia E turning up. When I first read the description of it in Goodspeeds (I think) 1940 catalogue I thought it was some Bookshop.\r\n#16 went for $1300 to the same buyer\r\n#17 “ “ 550 “ “ “\r\n#18 $40.00\r\n#19 $35.00\r\n#20 (The companion to the A--) was valued at $1250 00 by the estate and had a reserve price of $550 which was not reached so that the item was withdrawn.”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 11, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small Note Card</em>\r\n\r\n“In looking for something else, I picked out a letter of Dr. R.W. Chapurace to me dated 13.10.51. In it he says “The 1816 Philadelphia Emma was the result of Scott’s Quarterly Review, I guess. One day I looked out [the word looks like “whatelup” but this is impossible!] 2 R 1826 and found that it is of a ‘New Edition’ N.A+P that lso is unrecorded.” I haven’t checked further to see if I, or any one else has these listed, and perhaps, I am first causing you unnecessary trouble or being commonly behind the fair.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 16, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“The only first in boards which I have which has its labels intact (they match Keynes) is M.P. The E has had the backstrips repaired and the N.A.+P 2 packstrips have crumbled away completely + 2 are very cracked + missing the labels”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters from Gilson to Henry Burke (after Alberta falls ill)</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Small White Paper” 17.9cm tall x 13.7cm wide, blue ink, almost transparent white paper, written on only one side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>June 14th, 1975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“I see that Sotheby’s are selling on 23rd of June “an autograph letter by Jane Austen to her publisher commenting on the review of her novel Emma by Sir Walter Scott”: presumably RWC 127, marked as ‘original not traced’. I suppose the Pierpont Morgan will be bidding for this!”\r\n\r\n<strong>August 3rd, 975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n\r\n“It would be very kind if you could give me the correct address of Goucher College, and also the name of the librarian whom I should contact with any query relating to Alberta’s books (there may be queries over some of the rarer items, especially the 1816 Philadelphia Emma.)”\r\n\r\n<strong>October 16th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Pape</em><em>r</em>\r\n<em></em><em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“I spent a very interesting morning on 1st September at John Murray in Albemarte Street; they kindly allowed me to see their ledgers, giving the publication costs and other details of the first editions of Emma and Northanger Abbey and Persuasion.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 26th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper. </em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Miss Jones of Goucher College has very kindly sent me-free of charge- an excellent photograph of the title page of Vol.1 of Alberta’s copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma (my reproduction in the Autumn 1969 Book Collector was from a Xerox of Mr. Hogan’s copy; this photograph is much clearer).”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 20th, 1977</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Christie’s sold first editions of Emma and of Northanger Abbey and Persuasion on 2nd February- not particularly good copies (from the catalogue descriptions) although with the half-titles in each case; I don’t know who bought them, but they fetched 350 pounds and 230 pounds respectively. I have been given an extremely imperfect copy of the first-edition of Emma, consisting only of Vol.1 (lacking the half-title), and Vol.3 (lacking all before p.19.) It clearly has no commercial value, but still seems worth having.”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside First Volume of 1816 Philadelphia <em>Emma</em></h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, grayish blue stationary with “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” printed on top, dated “12a.3.41,” hand written in script, black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Muir,\r\n‘Emma’ returns to you in a twitter of excitement about ‘going to California.’ She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she has got to know him.\r\nSeriously- I am greatly obliged to you and --- agree to your 15% etc, and my wish you are making a bit more out of it. (G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he would say, he ---- collate it as he wants to write something about it for the ----- which his --- on your ---, isn’t it?) ….\r\nYours, SS (written on top of each other)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1316\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Siegfried Sassoon&#39;s letter to Percy Muir, antiquarian book dealer, regarding Sassoon&#39;s sale of the American first edition of Emma to Frank J. Hogan (dated December 3, 1941). The letter was discovered inside the front cover of the Burke Collection copy.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1316\" title=\"goucher_student work image3_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image3_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"857\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>“Antiquarian Booksellers Association” stamp on top left, written March 18, 1941 and received April 17, 1941 (received date written in pencil on top right corner,) stationary is of “Elkin Mathews LTD. Directors: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P.H. Muir,” underneath is typed “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Hogan,\r\nThis is just a brief note formally to announce the fact that “Emma” left here today on her long journey to California. I think it only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books. I think Siegfried Sassoon a great writer and I would be glad to have this letter myself were I buying one of his books, and I have the feeling that you may think that way, too, so I enclose the letter. He was a great friend and admirer of Charlotte Mew’s, by the way, which may help to endear him to you.\r\nWith every good wish and kind regards,\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP. H. MuirHand\r\nwritten note (in same green ink as Muir’s signature) written below signature of “P.H Muir”:\r\n“Note the date on SS’s letter, evidently written on 131h”\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 3</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Yellow paper, green “Elkin Mathews Ltd,” dated May 22, 1945, typed in faded black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mrs. Burke,\r\nThank you very much indeed for your letter of May 6th. I congratulate you on getting the “Emma” so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare and Mr. Hogan as very glad to pay 300 dollars for it. I mention the price in dollars because at the time he bought it the 1-pound was below par and fluctuating, so that the price was actually quoted in dollars. I say that the price was set by Mr. Sassoon and not by me, but I saw no reason at the time to take exception to it.\r\nI always have you in mind for any interesting Jane Austen items, which turn up.\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP.H. Muir (signed in green ink)\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Emma (1st Edition Philadelphia 1816)</h5>\r\n18.3cm tall x 11.1cm (cover)\r\n\r\n<em>Inside Cover</em>\r\ncut and pasted paper of: COUNTESS OF DALHOUSIE, below: maroon and gold sticker of: Ex Libris Frank J. Hogan (around name says: the true university of these days is a collection of books”\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nwritten by hand in faded pencil: ”Countess of d.- wife of the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc. 1819-1828- This explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\nunder this is the paper square for the “Alberta H. Burke”\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1314\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Title page of the Burke Collection copy of the American first edition of Jane Austen&#39;s Emma (Philadelphia: M. Carey; for sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston, 1816).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1314\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"1080\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<em>Title Page</em>\r\nEMMA:\r\nA Novel\r\nHere Volumes in Two\r\n(written on side, vertically: A.B. Dallhousie)\r\nBy the Author of “Pride and Prejudice,”\r\n&amp;c. &amp;c.\r\nVol. 1\r\nPHILADELPHIA:\r\nPublished by M.Carey, No. 121 Chesnut Street\r\nAnd for Sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston\r\n1816\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nTo his Royal Highness\r\nThe Prince Regent, This Work Is, By his Royal Highness’s Permission, Most Respectfully Dedicated, By His Royal Highness’s Dutiful and Obedient Humble Servant, The Author.”\r\n\r\n<em>First Page of Text</em>\r\n18cm tall x 9.8cm wide\r\nA2 at bottom of first page – 8 pages later is “B” (vol.1), 4 pages later “B2”, 8 pages later “C” (vol.1.), 4 pages later “C2”, 8 pages later “D” (vol.1)\r\naverage full page text block: 12.5cm tall x 7.4cm wide\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside Second Volume</h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>21.5cm tall x13.9cm wide, typed: “Charles Sessler Inc.” Established 1882, Bookseller and Printseller 1308 Walnut Street Philadelphia, PA. 19107” stationary</em>\r\n<em> dated April 24, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nIn 1945 we purchased in New York at the sale of the Frank J. Hogan Library, item No. 7, a copy of EMMA, printed in Philadelphia by Carey in 1816.\r\nDo you still have this book and would you be willing to part with it?”\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn (signed in ink)\r\nZ.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Typed, same stationary as letter 1</em>\r\n<em> dated May 3, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nThank you so much for your letter of May 1st.\r\nI am glad that you still have the copy of EMMA. Our inquiry was for a bibliographic purpose. Someone who is working on the bibliography has asked us about the copy we sold you and naturally we followed through for him.\r\nWith best wishes,\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn\r\n-Z.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)','How Emma Travels','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s Emma. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.','inherit','open','open','','1300-revision-19','','','2012-02-11 22:54:29','2012-02-11 22:54:29','',1300,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1300-revision-19/',0,'revision','',0),(1429,13,'2012-02-14 06:41:11','2012-02-14 06:41:11','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s <em>Emma</em>. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.\r\n\r\nThe inside of the custom-made blue book box is coated with a light perimeter of oil damage. Nancy Magnuson, one of Goucher’s librarians and liaisons for the Special Collections, said that Alberta Burke felt so attached to the books and bindings in her collections that she oiled the leather twice a year, far more then necessary. The first volume’s brown leather is faded and has been repaired after cracking. On the inside cover are two pasted rectangular cutouts. The first, measuring 3.5cm tall and 8cm wide, reads “Countess of Dalhousie” in delicate black print. The mysterious figure of the Countess Dalhousie intrigued both David Gilson and Alberta Burke. In a letter dated August 15th 1967 Burke wrote, “The Countess of Dalhousie’s signature, but no date, is on the title page. I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence that she purchased it in new york when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor-general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\nFive months later Burke and Gilson are still perplexed by the elusive Countess and her involvement with the edition. On January 12th, 1968 she writes to Gilson hoping to answer the questions he’d had about the 1816 Philadelphia Emma. She notes that over the first half of the page in volume I there is a note in pencil, “not I think in Sasoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sasoon to Mr. Hogan.” The note, hand-written in pencil that has faded to the extent of being almost translucent, reads “Countess of D- wife to the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc 1819-1828- this explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\n\r\nThese pieces of evidence show that after being published by M. Carey in Philadelphia, this edition left Chesnut Street and most likely traveled into the hands of Lady Dalhousie. “This copy,” Gilson writes in his bibliography of Jane Austen, “was in the present century found in Salisbury by Siegfried Sassoon.”\r\n\r\nIn the same letter dated August 15th, 1967 in which she writes to Gilson about her romantic notion that the Countess of Dalhousie purchased Emma when visiting New York, she alludes to another letter involving Siegfried Sassoon. “You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” She writes specifically to Gilson that, “ this is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.” Alberta Burke must have known this would tickle David Gilson’s fancy. Since Gilson first intended to write his bibliography on Jane Austen as a revised edition Geoffrey Keynes’s 1929 bibliography, he would understand Muir’s frustration with people encroaching on his research topic.\r\n\r\nBetween the letters from Burke and Gilson and the evidence left behind inside Emma, the provenance of this edition is fairly clear. Emma travels from the Philadelphia publisher to the Countess to Siegfried Sassoon. Inside the first volume of the Emma being examined lays a piece of lavender stationary, measuring 17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, folded in half. Opening it reveals that at the top of the stationary is typed “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” and at the end of the letter is the minute script signature of Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\nThe letter, addressed to Muir, dated March 12th, 1941 is written in Sassoon’s light and witty style. He starts his letter with, “Emma returns to you in a twitter of excitement about going to California. She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man, though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she gets to know him.” He then jokes with Muir at the expense of Keynes, writing how “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something about it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?”\r\n\r\nIn 1941 Sassoon sold the edition through Elkin Mathews to Frank J. Hogan (Gilson, 100). Under the Countess of Dalhousie’s book label is the red leather label of Frank J. Hogan. Around the name in gold lettering it reads “the true university of these days is a collection of books.”\r\n\r\nIn addition to the lavender letter from Siegfried Sassoon, two additional correspondences hide between the inside cover and the title page. One letter was written to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir relating that the 1816 Philadelphia edition of Emma was on its way. The stationary was that of The Antiquarian Booksellers Association, shown by the stamp on the top right corner. Printed at the top is the name “Elkin Mathews LTD” followed by the director’s names: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P. H. Muir. Underneath the names describes the objects in which these men were interested in: “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”\r\n\r\nLetters leading to other letters seems to be a theme when following this first American edition of Emma. In the letter to Mr. Hogan from Mr. Muir, Muir writes how he feels it is important that Mr. Hogan also get, along with the copy of Emma, the letter from Mr. Sassoon (the lavender letter found in the first volume.) “I think it is only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books.” The truth in Muir’s statement could not be more paramount as it relates to this particular edition of Emma. Burke and Gilson’s letter lead to examining the 1816 Philadelphia edition, which hold the additional correspondences from Sassoon and Muir. Being able to handle and analyze one of the three first American editions is a privilege in itself (Gilson, 100). Yet more than just handling the two volumes, I found the circuit of corresponding materials equally intriguing and helpful to track how the book came from Philadelphia, to the Countess Dalhousie, to Siegfried Sassoon to Frank J. Hogan and finally to Alberta Burke.\r\n\r\nThe last letter found inside the first volume relating to Emma’s provenance is from Mr. Muir to Alberta Burke. Muir writes to Alberta on different stationary then when writing to Mr. Hogan, perhaps to add a more personal touch. Typed on yellow paper with the green “Elkin Mathews Ltd” insignia printed at the top, the letter is typed and dated May 22nd, 1945. Mr. Muir writes that Mr. Hogan purchased the first American 1816 Philadelphia edition for Alberta for only 300 dollars. “I congratulate you,” he writes, “on getting it so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare.”\r\n\r\nThe last letter from Alberta Burke to David Gilson is dated February 4th, 1975. After this date the Austen letters continue between Alberta’s husband Henry Burke and David Gilson. After Alberta’s death on May 22nd, 1975 Goucher’s library received her Jane Austen collection. According to Goucher’s pamphlet “Twenty-Five Years of Jane Austen,” Alberta had always intended to donate the collection to Goucher. “From the time when my Jane Austen material first began to overflow the one-shelf bounds assigned to it, I have always intended that Goucher should be the ultimate recipient, and I have hoped that, sometime in the future, others would partake of the very great pleasure which they have given me for many years.”\r\n\r\nWhen David Gilson in 1982 published A Bibliography of Jane Austen he acknowledged his gratitude to Alberta and Henry Burke. Both Alberta Burke and David Gilson benefited from their letters to one another. Alberta Burke, with her deep seeded love and interest in all things Austen, was able to help David Gilson with his mission to track down Austen texts, study and describe them.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nGilson, David. <em>A Bibliography of Jane Austen</em>. first. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982.\r\n\r\nAusten, Jane. <em>Emma</em>. First. Philadelphia: M.Carey, 1816.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters From Alberta Burke to David Gilson</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Apartment Stationary” 18.8 cm tall x 25.9 cm wide, written section is 18.8cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, red print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray and maroon thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Gray Apartment Stationary” 18.8cm tall x 25.9cm wide, written section is 18.8 cm tall x 13.1 cm wide, folded into four quarters for mailing, black ink, cream paper, gray print of “Apartment 1318 116 West University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210.” Gray thin stripe border.</li>\r\n	<li>“Small Note Card” 14cm tall x 8.4cm wide, thicker note-card type cream paper, written only on one side, addressed to “Mr. D.J Gilson, J1 Blenheim Drive Oxford OX2 8DL England” Airmail! is written above the address in red marker. “Burke 1318 Broadview Apts. 116 W. University Parkway Baltimore, Maryland 21210” is typed in upper left corner. Written in blue ink.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>August 5, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\nTells Mr. Gilson that she has the Frank J. Hogan copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon.\r\n\r\n<strong>August 15, 1967</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n<em>Written in black fountain pen (script writing), fairly uniform line spacing</em>\r\n\r\n“You may be amused at a sentence from Siegfried Sassoon’s letter to Mr. Percy Elkin Mathews (who arranged the sale of the other 1816 Emma to Mr. Hogan in 1941. “G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he wrote saying he must collate it as he wants to write something bout it for the Times Lit Supplement- which is poaching on your preserves, isn’t it?” This is not for quotation in any article, but solely for your own pleasure.”\r\n“Since my copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma…her signature, but no date, is on the title page) I like to think, most romantically, but with no evidence, that she purchased it as a new work when she was in Canada with her husband who was governor- general there in 1819.”\r\n\r\n<strong>January 12, 1968</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I hope that I can answer your questions about the Philadelphia 1816 Emma satisfactorily. On inside cover of both volumes is a book place or visiting card (I don’t know which it is) bearing only the engraved words “Coweliers Dalhousie”…no device etc. In the first volume at the left and perpendicular to the lives of priutsey on the title pages is the signature “Cou C Dalhousie” (there is a bit of extra curlicue over the first letter.) However in volume two the signature…is plainly “C B Dalhousie” over the first preliminary half of volume I here is a note in pencil, not I think in Sassoon’s writing, probably in that of Percy (Mathews) who was the agent who arranged the sale from Mr. Sassoon to Mr. Hogan.”\r\n\r\n<strong>June 10, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“Does Mr. C.B. Hogan’s copy of the 1st Am. E [Emma] conform to the Goodspeed, Boolm Cat. No 317, p.4, 1940 description: “Three vols. In 2…Published by M. Cary. 21 Chestnut St. ….Boston 1816.” I – not sure M. Hogan’s article so can’t collate my copy until his description of his E of my 1st edition is bound(?)”\r\n\r\n<strong>November 18, 1969</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“I was delighted to know of a 3rd (if imperfect copy of the Philadelphia E turning up. When I first read the description of it in Goodspeeds (I think) 1940 catalogue I thought it was some Bookshop.\r\n#16 went for $1300 to the same buyer\r\n#17 “ “ 550 “ “ “\r\n#18 $40.00\r\n#19 $35.00\r\n#20 (The companion to the A--) was valued at $1250 00 by the estate and had a reserve price of $550 which was not reached so that the item was withdrawn.”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 11, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small Note Card</em>\r\n\r\n“In looking for something else, I picked out a letter of Dr. R.W. Chapurace to me dated 13.10.51. In it he says “The 1816 Philadelphia Emma was the result of Scott’s Quarterly Review, I guess. One day I looked out [the word looks like “whatelup” but this is impossible!] 2 R 1826 and found that it is of a ‘New Edition’ N.A+P that lso is unrecorded.” I haven’t checked further to see if I, or any one else has these listed, and perhaps, I am first causing you unnecessary trouble or being commonly behind the fair.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 16, 1973</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Gray Apartment Stationary</em>\r\n\r\n“The only first in boards which I have which has its labels intact (they match Keynes) is M.P. The E has had the backstrips repaired and the N.A.+P 2 packstrips have crumbled away completely + 2 are very cracked + missing the labels”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters from Gilson to Henry Burke (after Alberta falls ill)</h5>\r\n<ul>\r\n	<li>“Small White Paper” 17.9cm tall x 13.7cm wide, blue ink, almost transparent white paper, written on only one side.</li>\r\n	<li>“Blue Air Mail” 30.5 cm tall x 18.1cm wide, folded into a 9.7cm tall x 14.8cm wide envelope, black ink, written completely on first side and on first fourth and last fourth on other side.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<strong>June 14th, 1975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Blue Air Mail</em>\r\n\r\n“I see that Sotheby’s are selling on 23rd of June “an autograph letter by Jane Austen to her publisher commenting on the review of her novel Emma by Sir Walter Scott”: presumably RWC 127, marked as ‘original not traced’. I suppose the Pierpont Morgan will be bidding for this!”\r\n\r\n<strong>August 3rd, 975</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n\r\n“It would be very kind if you could give me the correct address of Goucher College, and also the name of the librarian whom I should contact with any query relating to Alberta’s books (there may be queries over some of the rarer items, especially the 1816 Philadelphia Emma.)”\r\n\r\n<strong>October 16th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Pape</em><em>r</em>\r\n<em></em><em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“I spent a very interesting morning on 1st September at John Murray in Albemarte Street; they kindly allowed me to see their ledgers, giving the publication costs and other details of the first editions of Emma and Northanger Abbey and Persuasion.”\r\n\r\n<strong>December 26th, 1976</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper. </em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Miss Jones of Goucher College has very kindly sent me-free of charge- an excellent photograph of the title page of Vol.1 of Alberta’s copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma (my reproduction in the Autumn 1969 Book Collector was from a Xerox of Mr. Hogan’s copy; this photograph is much clearer).”\r\n\r\n<strong>March 20th, 1977</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Small White Paper</em>\r\n<em>Written on both sides.</em>\r\n\r\n“Christie’s sold first editions of Emma and of Northanger Abbey and Persuasion on 2nd February- not particularly good copies (from the catalogue descriptions) although with the half-titles in each case; I don’t know who bought them, but they fetched 350 pounds and 230 pounds respectively. I have been given an extremely imperfect copy of the first-edition of Emma, consisting only of Vol.1 (lacking the half-title), and Vol.3 (lacking all before p.19.) It clearly has no commercial value, but still seems worth having.”\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside First Volume of 1816 Philadelphia <em>Emma</em></h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>17.6cm tall x 13cm wide, grayish blue stationary with “Heytesbury House, Wiltshire” printed on top, dated “12a.3.41,” hand written in script, black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Muir,\r\n‘Emma’ returns to you in a twitter of excitement about ‘going to California.’ She is sure that Mr. F. Hogan is a very nice man though she intends to be a bit sharp with him until she has got to know him.\r\nSeriously- I am greatly obliged to you and --- agree to your 15% etc, and my wish you are making a bit more out of it. (G. Keynes will be livid with me, as he would say, he ---- collate it as he wants to write something about it for the ----- which his --- on your ---, isn’t it?) ….\r\nYours, SS (written on top of each other)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1316\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Siegfried Sassoon&#39;s letter to Percy Muir, antiquarian book dealer, regarding Sassoon&#39;s sale of the American first edition of Emma to Frank J. Hogan (dated December 3, 1941). The letter was discovered inside the front cover of the Burke Collection copy.\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1316\" title=\"goucher_student work image3_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image3_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"857\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>“Antiquarian Booksellers Association” stamp on top left, written March 18, 1941 and received April 17, 1941 (received date written in pencil on top right corner,) stationary is of “Elkin Mathews LTD. Directors: Greville Worthington, Ian L. Fleming, and P.H. Muir,” underneath is typed “Rare Books, Manuscripts, Literary Portraits, Music.”</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Hogan,\r\nThis is just a brief note formally to announce the fact that “Emma” left here today on her long journey to California. I think it only right and proper that you should have with the book the letter that Sassoon sent me when sending the book to me. My own feeling is that one cannot have too much of this kind of thing in association with books. I think Siegfried Sassoon a great writer and I would be glad to have this letter myself were I buying one of his books, and I have the feeling that you may think that way, too, so I enclose the letter. He was a great friend and admirer of Charlotte Mew’s, by the way, which may help to endear him to you.\r\nWith every good wish and kind regards,\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP. H. MuirHand\r\nwritten note (in same green ink as Muir’s signature) written below signature of “P.H Muir”:\r\n“Note the date on SS’s letter, evidently written on 131h”\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 3</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Yellow paper, green “Elkin Mathews Ltd,” dated May 22, 1945, typed in faded black ink.</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mrs. Burke,\r\nThank you very much indeed for your letter of May 6th. I congratulate you on getting the “Emma” so cheaply. It is exceedingly rare and Mr. Hogan as very glad to pay 300 dollars for it. I mention the price in dollars because at the time he bought it the 1-pound was below par and fluctuating, so that the price was actually quoted in dollars. I say that the price was set by Mr. Sassoon and not by me, but I saw no reason at the time to take exception to it.\r\nI always have you in mind for any interesting Jane Austen items, which turn up.\r\nYours very sincerely,\r\nP.H. Muir (signed in green ink)\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Emma (1st Edition Philadelphia 1816)</h5>\r\n18.3cm tall x 11.1cm (cover)\r\n\r\n<em>Inside Cover</em>\r\ncut and pasted paper of: COUNTESS OF DALHOUSIE, below: maroon and gold sticker of: Ex Libris Frank J. Hogan (around name says: the true university of these days is a collection of books”\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nwritten by hand in faded pencil: ”Countess of d.- wife of the 9th Earl (1770-1838). Who was Governor of Canada, Nova Scotia, etc. 1819-1828- This explains her owning this edition, which was unknown to G. Keynes when he compiled his Bibliography of Jane Austen, 1929.”\r\nunder this is the paper square for the “Alberta H. Burke”\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1314\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Title page of the Burke Collection copy of the American first edition of Jane Austen&#39;s Emma (Philadelphia: M. Carey; for sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston, 1816).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1314\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_kendall\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_kendall.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"1080\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n<em>Title Page</em>\r\nEMMA:\r\nA Novel\r\nHere Volumes in Two\r\n(written on side, vertically: A.B. Dallhousie)\r\nBy the Author of “Pride and Prejudice,”\r\n&amp;c. &amp;c.\r\nVol. 1\r\nPHILADELPHIA:\r\nPublished by M.Carey, No. 121 Chesnut Street\r\nAnd for Sale by Wells &amp; Lilly, Boston\r\n1816\r\n\r\n<em>Next Page</em>\r\nTo his Royal Highness\r\nThe Prince Regent, This Work Is, By his Royal Highness’s Permission, Most Respectfully Dedicated, By His Royal Highness’s Dutiful and Obedient Humble Servant, The Author.”\r\n\r\n<em>First Page of Text</em>\r\n18cm tall x 9.8cm wide\r\nA2 at bottom of first page – 8 pages later is “B” (vol.1), 4 pages later “B2”, 8 pages later “C” (vol.1.), 4 pages later “C2”, 8 pages later “D” (vol.1)\r\naverage full page text block: 12.5cm tall x 7.4cm wide\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n<h5>Letters Found Inside Second Volume</h5>\r\n<strong>Letter 1</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>21.5cm tall x13.9cm wide, typed: “Charles Sessler Inc.” Established 1882, Bookseller and Printseller 1308 Walnut Street Philadelphia, PA. 19107” stationary</em>\r\n<em> dated April 24, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nIn 1945 we purchased in New York at the sale of the Frank J. Hogan Library, item No. 7, a copy of EMMA, printed in Philadelphia by Carey in 1816.\r\nDo you still have this book and would you be willing to part with it?”\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn (signed in ink)\r\nZ.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)\r\n\r\n<strong>Letter 2</strong>\r\n\r\n<em>Typed, same stationary as letter 1</em>\r\n<em> dated May 3, 1967</em>\r\n\r\n“Dear Mr. Burke:\r\nThank you so much for your letter of May 1st.\r\nI am glad that you still have the copy of EMMA. Our inquiry was for a bibliographic purpose. Someone who is working on the bibliography has asked us about the copy we sold you and naturally we followed through for him.\r\nWith best wishes,\r\nYours Sincerely,\r\nMabel Zahn\r\n-Z.T. in bottom left corner, typed (?)','How Emma Travels','Behind a low glass case in Goucher’s Special Collection Room sits a humble blue book box that holds the first American edition of Jane Austen’s Emma. Valued from nineteen to seventy-five thousand dollars on ABEBooks.com, the edition is unquestionably valuable. But how did this extremely rare copy end up in Goucher’s modest library? In a letter to David Gilson on August 5th, 1967 Alberta Burke revealed that she owned a copy of the 1816 Philadelphia Emma, which formerly belonged to Siegfried Sassoon. The two corresponded from 1967 to 1975 until Alberta fell ill. Throughout this time a steady thread of conversation exists about the Philadelphia Emma.\r\n\r\nAfter seeing the interest that both Alberta Burke and David Gilson had in the first American edition of Emma, perusing the pages and studying the tome in detail was essential to discover first hand the majesty of the volumes.\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">The student work is available for download or may be read on-line.</span>','inherit','open','open','','1300-revision-20','','','2012-02-14 06:41:11','2012-02-14 06:41:11','',1300,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1300-revision-20/',0,'revision','',0),(1433,13,'2012-02-11 23:11:35','2012-02-11 23:11:35','','Hands-On Research with Rare Books and Ephemera ','','inherit','open','open','','1047-revision-14','','','2012-02-11 23:11:35','2012-02-11 23:11:35','',1047,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1047-revision-14/',0,'revision','',0),(1430,13,'2012-02-14 06:39:59','2012-02-14 06:39:59','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">The student work is available for download or may be read on-line.</span>','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-17','','','2012-02-14 06:39:59','2012-02-14 06:39:59','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-17/',0,'revision','',0),(1431,13,'2012-02-14 06:42:13','2012-02-14 06:42:13','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">This student work is available for download or may be read on-line.</span>','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-18','','','2012-02-14 06:42:13','2012-02-14 06:42:13','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-18/',0,'revision','',0),(1434,13,'2012-02-14 07:03:27','2012-02-14 07:03:27','','Hands-On Research with Rare Books and Ephemera ','','inherit','open','open','','1047-revision-15','','','2012-02-14 07:03:27','2012-02-14 07:03:27','',1047,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1047-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1435,13,'2012-02-14 06:43:11','2012-02-14 06:43:11','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-19','','','2012-02-14 06:43:11','2012-02-14 06:43:11','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-19/',0,'revision','',0),(1438,10,'2012-11-29 10:26:13','2012-11-29 10:26:13','When I heard about English 241: Archeology of Text, I was immediately excited. I had been working in Special Collections and Archives at Goucher College for about a year, and I knew the class would give me a chance to learn more about books and archives in a setting that would encourage discussions with my peers. When it came time to pick a collection for my final project, I decided to work with archival materials rather than books so that I could challenge myself.\n\nWhile working in Special Collections, I had often walked by large blue boxes containing scrapbooks, but I had yet to look through them. When I began leafing through them, I found that I learned as much about Goucher College as I did about the women who put the scrapbooks together. Many of the scrapbooks had things in common, including Valentines, pressed flowers, calling cards, and photographs. But what intrigued me most were the dance cards. I had never before encountered dance cards, or even heard of them, even though I had been dancing all my life. Many of the dance cards were from the U.S. Naval Academy, a nearby all-male school in need of women with whom to dance. Goucher girls would often travel to Annapolis for the weekend dances and bring back dance cards as souvenirs.\n\n<img class=\" wp-image-1275\" title=\"goucher_student action photo_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-action-photo_brand.jpg\" alt=\"Cassie Brand working in the former Rare Book Collection Seminar Room \" width=\"510\" height=\"382\" />\n\nWhen I began researching these cards, I found very little information. I went to all of the reference librarians I could find, but even they had difficulties because very few secondary sources were available. I looked through all the etiquette books I could get my hands on and even asked people to tell me what they knew about dance cards. Those who knew of them provided me with the basic information I needed to study the cards.\n\nI contacted the U.S. Naval Academy Archives, and with the help of Nancy Magnuson, Goucher College Librarian, I made an appointment to see their collection. There I found an almost complete run of dance cards from the Farewell Ball, which was held every year after graduation. Some were blank, some were filled in, some contained photographs, and some still had their tiny pencils attached. Looking through the cards, I found that they could be studied in several ways. One could examine print history, dance history, social history, or even one woman’s history of dance partners. The first and last dance cards were so drastically different that I chose to look at how the cards changed over the years. I found that the cards’ modifications reflected the changes in social dances.\n\nThough I have not yet returned to the dance card collections to study them further, they have never been far from my mind. I am still trying to convince people that dance cards are brilliant and should be reinstated for social events. Dance cards remain an interest of mine, and I would love to eventually write their complete history.','Cassie Brand - Commentary','When I heard about English 241: Archeology of Text, I was immediately excited. I had been working in Special Collections and Archives at Goucher College for about a year and I knew the class would give me a chance to learn more about books and archives in a setting that would encourage discussions with my peers. When it came time to pick a collection for my final project, I decided to work with archival materials rather than books so that I could challenge myself.','inherit','open','open','','1051-autosave','','','2012-11-29 10:26:13','2012-11-29 10:26:13','',1051,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1051-autosave/',0,'revision','',0),(3465,19,'2012-10-15 23:06:48','2012-10-15 23:06:48','When I heard about English 241: Archeology of Text, I was immediately excited. I had been working in Special Collections and Archives at Goucher College for about a year, and I knew the class would give me a chance to learn more about books and archives in a setting that would encourage discussions with my peers. When it came time to pick a collection for my final project, I decided to work with archival materials rather than books so that I could challenge myself.\r\n\r\nWhile working in Special Collections, I had often walked by large blue boxes containing scrapbooks, but I had yet to look through them. When I began leafing through them, I found that I learned as much about Goucher College as I did about the women who put the scrapbooks together. Many of the scrapbooks had things in common, including Valentines, pressed flowers, calling cards, and photographs. But what intrigued me most were the dance cards. I had never before encountered dance cards, or even heard of them, even though I had been dancing all my life. Many of the dance cards were from the U.S. Naval Academy, a nearby all-male school in need of women with whom to dance. Goucher girls would often travel to Annapolis for the weekend dances and bring back dance cards as souvenirs.\r\n\r\n<div id=\"attachment_1275\" align=\"alignnone\" style=\"width:510px; margin-bottom: 20px;\"><img class=\" wp-image-1275\" title=\"goucher_student action photo_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-action-photo_brand.jpg\" alt=\"Cassie Brand working in the former Rare Book Collection Seminar Room \" width=\"510\" height=\"382\" /> <span class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cassie Brand working in the former Rare Book Collection Seminar Room (December 2007) with an early Chaucer edition from Special Collections (Ed. John Urry, London: Printed for Bernard Lintot, 1721).</span></div>\r\n\r\nWhen I began researching these cards, I found very little information. I went to all of the reference librarians I could find, but even they had difficulties because very few secondary sources were available. I looked through all the etiquette books I could get my hands on and even asked people to tell me what they knew about dance cards. Those who knew of them provided me with the basic information I needed to study the cards.\r\n\r\nI contacted the U.S. Naval Academy Archives, and with the help of Nancy Magnuson, Goucher College Librarian, I made an appointment to see their collection. There I found an almost complete run of dance cards from the Farewell Ball, which was held every year after graduation. Some were blank, some were filled in, some contained photographs, and some still had their tiny pencils attached. Looking through the cards, I found that they could be studied in several ways. One could examine print history, dance history, social history, or even one woman’s history of dance partners. The first and last dance cards were so drastically different that I chose to look at how the cards changed over the years. I found that the cards’ modifications reflected the changes in social dances.\r\n\r\nThough I have not yet returned to the dance card collections to study them further, they have never been far from my mind. I am still trying to convince people that dance cards are brilliant and should be reinstated for social events. Dance cards remain an interest of mine, and I would love to eventually write their complete history.','Cassie Brand - Commentary','When I heard about English 241: Archeology of Text, I was immediately excited. I had been working in Special Collections and Archives at Goucher College for about a year and I knew the class would give me a chance to learn more about books and archives in a setting that would encourage discussions with my peers. When it came time to pick a collection for my final project, I decided to work with archival materials rather than books so that I could challenge myself.','inherit','open','open','','1051-revision-16','','','2012-10-15 23:06:48','2012-10-15 23:06:48','',1051,'http://www.archivejournal.net/issue/2/uncategorized/1051-revision-16/',0,'revision','',0),(1436,13,'2012-02-14 07:05:53','2012-02-14 07:05:53','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-20','','','2012-02-14 07:05:53','2012-02-14 07:05:53','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-20/',0,'revision','',0),(1437,13,'2012-02-14 07:06:06','2012-02-14 07:06:06','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.\r\n\r\nIt was also a way for young women to remember her engagements:\r\n\r\nIn the etiquette of the ballroom young ladies should be very careful to keep their promises to their various partners. Little books are furnished as memorizers, and the same honor is imperative here as in greater things. (American Code of Manners 43)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1344\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Sample dance card page with partners for five dances filled in, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1344\" title=\"goucher_student work image2_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image2_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"932\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nThe dance card acted as a reminder of who she was supposed to dance with for each dance, which helped with confusion in promising multiple dances. The dance card also allowed a convenient excuse when a woman accidentally promised the same dance to two men; she could simply claim that her “programme had got into such a state of confusion” and refrain from offending either party involved (Aldrich 113). After the ball has ended, the dance card can serve as a memento of the event, “Each dance is entered on the program—and many a delightful memory is kept alive by glancing at these names days after the dance is held” (Eichler 97). In this way, the card acts as a reminder both at the ball and after the ball is finished.\r\n\r\nDance cards were predominantly used before the 20th century, but certain groups upheld tradition and used them much longer. As Eichler points out in 1922, “The dance program is rarely used now except at college dances, or army and navy dances. It has lost prestige with the passing of the old fashioned ball” (97).\r\n\r\nThe Archives and Special Collections at the United States Naval Academy holds an extensive collection of cards from many different events. The Academy, with its emphasis on tradition, used dance cards at their Winter Hops, the Ring Dance and the Farewell Ball into the 1960s. The USNA Archives provides a wonderful example of the evolution of the dance card, through the cards they have from the Farewell Ball, spanning from 1893 to 1976.\r\n\r\nThe earliest dance card in the collection is from The Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1893 , donated by Mrs. Elizabeth Galt Welles (13 x 8.5 cm). The card is bound by a ribbon bow on the top vertical edge, with heavy cardstock covers in an ivory color. The cover simply states the dance and date in black ink with gold embellishments. The half-inch wide ribbon is long enough for the card to be carried on a lady’s wrist and holds a small pencil 7 cm in length. Inside the cover were 2 pages containing the list of dances with the song titles and composers. The card had not been filled out by its owner. The simple design creates an elegant card, following the guidelines for cards set by The Ballroom Guide published in the 1860s: “modern taste is inclined to favour plain and chaste designs rather than florid” (Aldrich 117). The contents of the card show that the emphasis of the card was on the order of dances, without much information about the ball.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, the Academy does not have any cards from the balls in between 1893 and 1906, but the card from the 1906 Farewell Ball provides a beautiful example of a dance card. Donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the card is 10 x 7.5 cm with a tan leather cover. The cover has two inside pockets and a strap to attach the card to a woman’s wrist. Inside, the card contains three bifolia with much more decoration than the 1893 card. The card begins with a title page, which announces the name, date, and location of the ball. Following the title page are three pages of dances with spaces for 25 dances. For the first two pages of dances, each recto side holds a space for eight dances and on the verso is an illumination of a woman in an evening gown and a woman in a Navy coat and cover, respectively. The third page lists nine dances on the recto side and lists the committee of midshipmen who planned the ball on the verso. After these there are two blank pages with the word “Autographs” printed at the top of each page. This card—also not filled out—demonstrates the shift in focusing on only the dances to a larger focus on the card as a decorative souvenir.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball card from June 5th, 1908 donated by Mary McCarthy is the first in the collection filled out by its original owner. The last names of eight different men are written in pen with a beautiful cursive hand next to the dances. Ms. McCarthy danced 17 of the 25 dances listed and most of them were two steps and waltz, which were especially popular at the time. This card is much like the 1906 card, with a section listing the committee members and blank pages for autographs. Measuring 10 x 7.5 cm, the dark brown suede cover has a Naval Academy insignia blindly stamped in the center, with a dark brown cord and pockets inside the cover. The inside was printed with brown ink and tissue paper protected the pictures from transfer.\r\n\r\nIn 1909, the Farewell Ball dance card, donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, remained much the same. The 10.5 x 8 cm card had a navy blue vinyl cover with pockets inside to hold pictures and gold tooling for decoration. The inside contained the order of dances—not filled out—a supper list, and a committee list. The illustrations were in black and white with a small bit of red as an accent.\r\n\r\nAlso donated by Mrs. Bradford Bartlett, the Farewell Ball, June 3rd 1910 dance card had a dark grey leather cover with a silver cord (10 x 7 cm). A blind tooled ship decorated the front, and white paint accented the moon and water. Inside, black and white illustrations were accented with the use of yellow, red, blue and green and were protected by tissue paper. The order of dances was filled out in sloppy cursive hand in pencil. The autograph section, however, was left blank.\r\n\r\nThe example from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1911 provided the most intricate cover. Measuring 11 x 6.5 cm while closed, the tan suede cover folds three times, containing extra pockets. Inside the front cover is one pocket and the small booklet of paper, the back cover extends to twice the front cover’s length, folding in on itself. The right side of the cover has a simple pocket, while the middle of the cover has a more complex pocket. The pocket is vertically arranged, with a flap that closes by inserting the narrow point of the flap into a loop. Naval Academy insignia is stamped onto the inner pockets of the cover. The dance card was attached to the lady’s wrist by a dark brown leather strap, which still holds an 8 cm pencil. Inside contains a title page, pictures with color accents, the committee list, a section for autographs and the order of dances, which is not filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 6th 1919 dance card has a navy blue vinyl cover with blind stamped Naval Academy insignia and date and a blue and yellow cord (10 x 8 cm). The inside contains a title page and the dances listed verso and spaces to fill out engagements listed recto. The card is not filled out and is decorated with black and white illustrations.\r\n\r\nBound vertically in a brown leather cover, the Farewell Ball June 3rd 1920 dance card measures 11 x 7.5 cm. The cover is blind stamped with blue and yellow cords. After the order of dances, there is a calendar from June 1920 to May 1921. The months are listed two at a time, with large pictures above them. The stiff cardstock paper has gilt edges.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 2nd 1921 dance card has a significantly different cover than the previous cards. The simple 9 x 6.5 cm white cardstock cover has a full color illustration on the cover with an embossed gold Naval Academy insignia. Previously, the covers were made of a more expensive material—usually leather or vinyl. This was the first ball held in Dahlgren Hall, one of the social buildings on the Naval Academy yard. The dances are listed 3 on a page, with no names of the songs, only the types of dances. The dances are not filled out. Next to the type of dance is a space labeled “meet under” and beneath the dances is a space for memories. There is also a different quote at the bottom of each page.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1343\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"638\" caption=\"Front cover of the U. S. Naval Academy dance card for the June 2, 1921 Farewell Ball, from the scrapbook of Mary Lee Keith (Class of 1924).\"]<img class=\"size-full wp-image-1343\" title=\"goucher_student work image1_brand\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/goucher_student-work-image1_brand.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" height=\"814\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball June 2nd 1922 dance card has a white cardstock cover with a color illustration (from Keith Scrapbook, Goucher College Library). The 9 x 6.5 cm cover includes blind stamping and a blue and yellow cord. The layout is very much like the 1921 card, containing a list of dances, with a “meet under” space and space below for memories. This card, however, does not have quotes at the bottom of each page. At the end, there is a committee list. The card is filled out with black pen, and in the “meet under” section, flags are drawn with pen and colored. The ball was held in Dahlgren Hall, like the 1921 card also containing a “meet under” section. Dahlgren Hall is lined with flags on either side of the long, rectangular building. The “meet under” space allowed the women to draw in the flag and know exactly where she was to meet her next dancing partner. This aided even more in making sure that the women had a dance partner for every dance; it ensured that she would always be able to find her intended dance partner even in the crowded room. It is also possible that an escort would fill out the card in advance for his date with the illustrations of flags in order to ensure she danced the night away.\r\n\r\nIn 1923, the Academy went back to the leather cover for the Farewell Ball dance card. The cover is Navy blue with a gold tooled insignia, with inside pockets (11 x 8.5 cm). The recto pocket had a clear cut out to hold a photograph. For decoration, there are pictures that are whimsical in nature with tissue paper to protect the pictures from transfer. The dances are filled out in immaculately print black pen with flags drawn and colored next to last names.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball dance card from 1925 has a silver cardstock cover with a picture of the Naval Academy Chapel dome in different shades of blue. Measuring 9.5 x 6.5 cm, the card contains the order of dances and a “meet under” space, but there is no room to record memories or a committee list like in the 1921, 1922, and 1923 cards. The card is filled out in pen with a shaky hand and the flags are drawn and colored next to the names. On the inside cover recto is a hand drawn cartoon of a midshipman.\r\n\r\n<!--nextpage-->\r\n\r\nThere is a gap until 1942, when the collection resumes with the Farewell Ball, June 18th 1942. It has a white leather cover with stamping and gold accents, measuring 10 x 7.5 cm. The inside is printed in blue and it can be attached to a woman’s wrist by the yellow cord. The card contains a title page and committee list, names the orchestra, and announces that Mrs. John R. Beardall is receiving. The order of dances is filled out in two different shades of blue pen and each name is written in a different style of hand. This indicates another use for the dance card. A woman can hand her card to whoever asks her to dance and have him write in his name. This is very useful, especially if the woman has forgotten his name and can look on the card for a reminder.\r\n\r\nLike the 1942 card, the Farewell Ball, June 5th 1945 card was printed with blue ink and has a yellow cord. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a dark blue faux leather cover with stamping and gold accents. The inside lists who was receiving, the hostesses, committee members and the orchestra. The dances, which are not filled out, are numbered, but there is no information as to what dance or what song each number will be. This shows the diminishing importance of the dances on the dance card.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the Farewell Ball, May 31st 1956 dance card only lists numbers for the dances. This 10 x 7.5 cm card has an off-white cardstock cover with blue ink and an off-white cord. Inside, it lists the title page, orchestra, the woman receiving and the hostesses. It also lists the committee list for both the Farewell Ball and for the other hops held throughout the year. It ends with a quote, “Three cheers for/ those who are about/ to leave us—/ Three cheers for/ those we leave behind/ us—” This quote becomes a standard addition to each following card.\r\n\r\nThe card from the Farewell Ball, June 2nd 1959 is much the same as the 1956 card. The 10 x 7.5 cm card has a gold cardstock cover with blue wording and a silhouette of a dancing couple. The cord is also blue. The card lists the orchestra, the woman receiving, the hostesses and the program of dances—numbers only, no types of dances or names of songs. Two of the dances are filled out and the others were left blank. After the dances the card lists the Farewell Ball committee and the Hop committee, which organizes the smaller dances throughout the year. It concludes with the Three Cheers quote found in the 1956 card.\r\n\r\nThe cards from the Farewell Balls in 1964, 1965 and 1966 have almost identical contents, with different covers. The 1964 card is 10.5 x 7.5 cm with a white cardstock cover with blue ink and gold embossing and a blue cord. The 1965 card is 11.5 x 9 cm. It has a light blue cover with black embossing and a dark blue cord. The 1966 card measures 11.5 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover with navy blue ink and a navy blue cord. All the cards contain a title page and list the orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director and hostesses. None of the cards are filled out and they are stapled at the fold.\r\n\r\nWith each consecutive card, the changes are minimal. The 1967 and 1968 Farewell Ball dance cards are exactly the same, with a different date. They are both 11.5 x 9 cm and their covers are light blue with black ink and a blue cord. Neither card is filled out.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball June 3rd 1969 card provides a very interesting look at the evolution of the dance card. Very similar to the previous cards, it measures 11.5 x 9cm and lists the title page, orchestra, woman receiving, officer representative, social director, hostesses and committees. It has a white cardstock cover with blue ink and a blue cord. It also includes the Navy “Blue and Gold” song. What it doesn’t include, however, is a program of dances or even a space to write down dance partners. The point of this card is to provide a souvenir of the dance and provide information about it, but it no longer serves a way for women to write down the names of their partners.\r\n\r\nThe cards from 1970, 1971 and 1972 are the same as the 1969 card. However, the 1971 card contains one change: the midshipman’s oath appears after the title page. The all have white cardstock covers, 11.5 x 9 cm, with navy blue ink and navy blue cords.\r\n\r\nThe Farewell Ball, June 4th 1974 card presents another interesting change in the evolution of the dance card. The card no longer has a cord. The 11 x 9 cm card has a white cardstock cover with blue ink, but no cord with which a lady could attach it to her wrist. The cards from the 1975 and 1976 Farewell Balls have all the same internal elements, but measure 13 x 9 cm with a light blue cardstock cover printed in dark blue ink.\r\n\r\nThe progression of the Naval Academy Farewell Ball dance cards shows the decreased emphasis on dance and the move from the dance card as a reminder of the gentleman a woman had promised to dance with to a souvenir and program for the ball. The earlier dance cards contain little information about the ball itself; they focus on the dances, listing the order, the type of dance and the name of the song. Slowly, information is added to the card. In the 1920s, there was a place to write down memories and draw the flag under which the two would meet. These additions keep the focus on the dancing and the use of the dance card as a reminder and as a memento. In the 1940s, the cards begin to list the woman receiving, the committee who planned the ball and other information not directly related to the dancing. Also, the dances are no longer identified by type or name, they are simply numbered. This shows another step away from the focus on dancing. At this stage, the cord also becomes purely decorative. The cords attached to these cards aren’t long enough to secure around a woman’s wrist; they simply add a bit of decoration to the card. By the 1969 and into the 1970s, the dance cards no longer provide space to write the dances. They have transformed into souvenirs from the ball, giving information about the ball and incorporating quotes, song lyrics and lists of the people involved.\r\n<h5>Works Cited</h5>\r\nAldrich, Elizabeth. <em>From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance</em>. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991.\r\n\r\n<em>The American Code of Manners: a study of the usages, laws and observances which govern intercourse in the best social circles, and of the principles which underlie them</em>. New York: W. R. Andrews, 1880\r\n\r\nEichler, Lillian. <em>Book of Etiquette</em>. Oyster Bay: Nelson Doubleday Inc., 1922\r\n\r\nJohnson, Sophia Orne. <em>A Manual of Etiquette, with Hints on Politeness and Good Breeding</em>. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1885.\r\n\r\nGoucher College, Special Collections and Archives. Scrapbook Collection, Mary Lee Keith. Farewell Ball Dance Card, 1922.\r\n\r\nThe Nimitz Library, United States Naval Academy, Special Collections and Archives. Student Life, Dance Card Collection.','My Card Is Full','In a world of etiquette and formality, dance cards quickly became indispensable to young women in search of dancing partners. They were a manifestation of etiquette, used to keep social order and help their users follow protocol. Though dance cards are rarely used now, the study of these cards gives a lot of insight into the societies and groups that used them.\r\n\r\nLists of etiquette books remain from all different periods, instructing men and women how to act in each particular circumstance. Dancing claims a large portion of many of these books, as it was considered an elegant pastime and a way to judge one\'s character. Dancing was a sign of culture and social class, as the upper class had formal dance training while they were young.\r\n\r\nThe dance card furthered one\'s enjoyment of dancing, as it allowed young women to know who they would dance with; they never needed to worry about procuring a partner for the following dance, because he had already signed her card. A practice known as “dating ahead” became quite common as young women began filling out their dance cards in advance of the evening, to ensure that they would not be without a partner. Many women worried about not being asked to dance, as the most beautiful, best dancers were constantly engaged on the dance floor; the women without partners were often looked down on and pitied. Young women feared not having a partner for every dance, and having a dance card allowed them to make sure they would be busy dancing the entire night.\r\n\r\nDance cards also provided women with a way to gracefully decline a dance invitation. Johnson points out, “a lady must not decline the invitation of a gentleman to dance, unless she is previously engaged, or does not intend to dance any more during the evening” (79). Having a dance card allowed women to fill out their card with men who they would prefer to dance with, and it also allowed them to gracefully decline a dance by saying her card is full, even though this may not be true.','inherit','open','open','','1326-revision-21','','','2012-02-14 07:06:06','2012-02-14 07:06:06','',1326,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1326-revision-21/',0,'revision','',0),(1439,13,'2012-02-11 21:08:51','2012-02-11 21:08:51','<img class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-977\" title=\"uf_leader headshot_nemmers\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_leader-headshot_nemmers.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"75\" height=\"100\" />In 2010, Flagler College and the University of Florida (UF) were awarded a <em>Save America’s Treasures</em> grant by the National Endowment for the Humanities to preserve and provide access to architectural drawings for the National Historic Landmark Hotel Ponce de Leon (1885-1887) and the Memorial Presbyterian Church (1889-1890) in St. Augustine, Florida. During this two-year project, the UF Smathers Libraries is conserving and digitizing an irreplaceable collection of the earliest architectural drawings of the Carrère &amp;Hastings firm. The drawings were created for the oil and railroad tycoon Henry Flagler beginning in the 1880s, but the majority of the drawings subsequently had been “lost” for decades. The few people who knew of their existence were unaware of their historical significance, and the drawings remained stored for years in a boiler room under high Florida temperatures and humidity, and exposed to insects and rodents.\r\n\r\nThis treasure trove remained unknown and endangered until its rediscovery in 2004 at Flagler College. To ensure that the drawings are protected and accessible to researchers, the drawings were deposited in 2005 in the UF Architecture Archives, a unit of Special &amp; Area Studies Collections. Comprised of over 260 fragile objects, the St. Augustine collection includes original drawings on cloth, silk and paper, and a variety of blueprints, diazotypes, and other reproductions. Sizes range from 8 x 8 inches to over 4 x 8 feet. Many of the drawings could not be unrolled or handled because they were literally crumbling on the shelves, and it is very likely that some of these drawings had not been unrolled since they were last used in the 1890s. The grant funding has enabled UF to hire personnel and supplies to properly conserve and digitize all of the drawings.\r\n\r\nThe UF Digital Library Center (DLC) has an excellent track record employing students to digitize materials in all formats and conditions. One undergraduate student, Jimmy Barnett, already had experience digitizing architectural drawings in the DLC, so we were happy to hire him as the imaging technician for this project. We knew that we could trust Jimmy to handle the items properly during imaging, which is crucial since many of the drawings are in extremely poor condition and are over eight feet long. Moreover, with his background and coursework in art we were confident that Jimmy could appreciate the drawings as cultural objects and be sensitive to the techniques and media used to produce the drawings. Our trust was well-placed and Jimmy has been an exemplary steward of the drawings placed temporarily in his custody.\r\n\r\nIn planning for this project, there was no hesitation about employing an undergraduate student to work with fragile drawings. The archivists and curators in Special Collections have long relied on undergraduate students to assist with processing, research, and outreach activities. We offer an internship course through the History Department, and we have had great success retaining former interns as either paid employees or volunteers. We are able to maintain a pool of highly-trained, motivated assistants, and the students gain practical experience working with historical records. Several of these students have gone on to pursue archives, library, or public history Master’s degrees. But regardless of their educational and career paths, we have found that many undergraduate students truly appreciate the value of cultural heritage materials and many, such as Jimmy, can be trusted to treat them with the care they require.','John Nemmers - Commentary','In 2010, Flagler College and the University of Florida (UF) were awarded a <i>Save America’s Treasures</i> grant by the National Endowment for the Humanities to preserve and provide access to architectural drawings for the National Historic Landmark Hotel Ponce de Leon (1885-1887) and the Memorial Presbyterian Church (1889-1890) in St. Augustine, Florida. During this two-year project, the UF Smathers Libraries is conserving and digitizing an irreplaceable collection of the earliest architectural drawings of the Carrère &Hastings firm. The drawings were created for the oil and railroad tycoon Henry Flagler beginning in the 1880s, but the majority of the drawings subsequently had been “lost” for decades. The few people who knew of their existence were unaware of their historical significance, and the drawings remained stored for years in a boiler room under high Florida temperatures and humidity, and exposed to insects and rodents.','inherit','open','open','','976-revision-8','','','2012-02-11 21:08:51','2012-02-11 21:08:51','',976,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/976-revision-8/',0,'revision','',0),(1440,13,'2012-02-11 21:02:32','2012-02-11 21:02:32','','Mapping the Provenance of Museum Objects','','inherit','open','open','','1121-revision-30','','','2012-02-11 21:02:32','2012-02-11 21:02:32','',1121,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1121-revision-30/',0,'revision','',0),(1441,13,'2012-02-11 19:18:03','2012-02-11 19:18:03','','Walters - Romances Casket Tkacs','','inherit','open','open','','1205-revision-4','','','2012-02-11 19:18:03','2012-02-11 19:18:03','',1205,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1205-revision-4/',0,'revision','',0),(1442,13,'2012-02-11 19:18:39','2012-02-11 19:18:39','','Walters - Beaupre Devos','','inherit','open','open','','1200-revision-9','','','2012-02-11 19:18:39','2012-02-11 19:18:39','',1200,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1200-revision-9/',0,'revision','',0),(1443,13,'2012-02-11 18:36:28','2012-02-11 18:36:28','','Walters - Amazon Dowdle','','inherit','open','open','','1209-revision-3','','','2012-02-11 18:36:28','2012-02-11 18:36:28','',1209,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1209-revision-3/',0,'revision','',0),(1444,13,'2012-02-14 07:24:28','2012-02-14 07:24:28','','Walters - Romances Casket Tkacs','','inherit','open','open','','1205-revision-5','','','2012-02-14 07:24:28','2012-02-14 07:24:28','',1205,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1205-revision-5/',0,'revision','',0),(1445,13,'2012-02-14 07:05:19','2012-02-14 07:05:19','','Hands-On Research with Rare Books and Ephemera ','','inherit','open','open','','1047-revision-16','','','2012-02-14 07:05:19','2012-02-14 07:05:19','',1047,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1047-revision-16/',0,'revision','',0),(1452,13,'2012-02-14 07:41:05','2012-02-14 07:41:05','[caption id=\"attachment_957\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"James (Jimmy) Barnett using a Betterlight Super 8k-HS camera back and custom mount configuration to digitize John Carrère and Thomas Hastings’ “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890. Photo credit: Joe Kaleita, University of Florida Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-large wp-image-957\" title=\"uf_student  action photo_barnett 3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-action-photo_barnett-3-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_958\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Part Plan of Fourth Floor. Architectural drawings of the Hotel Ponce de Leon, St. Augustine, Florida.” 96”x40”.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089836/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-958\" title=\"Part Plan of Fourth Floor\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_959\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"An example of the results of Barnett’s work digitizing and preserving a large-scale architectural drawing. John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082657/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-959\" title=\"Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]','Digitizing Large-Format Architectural Plans','','inherit','open','open','','946-revision-32','','','2012-02-14 07:41:05','2012-02-14 07:41:05','',946,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/946-revision-32/',0,'revision','',0),(1447,13,'2012-02-11 02:02:04','2012-02-11 02:02:04','[caption id=\"attachment_957\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"James (Jimmy) Barnett using a Betterlight Super 8k-HS camera back and custom mount configuration to digitize John Carrère and Thomas Hastings’  “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890.  Photo credit: Joe Kaleita, University of Florida Libraries. \"]<img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-action-photo_barnett-3-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"uf_student  action photo_barnett 3\" width=\"638\" class=\"size-large wp-image-957\" />[/caption]\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_958\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"John Carrère and Thomas Hastings.  “Part Plan of Fourth Floor. Architectural drawings of the Hotel Ponce de Leon, St. Augustine, Florida.” 96”x40”. \"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089836/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"Part Plan of Fourth Floor\" width=\"638\" class=\"size-full wp-image-958\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_959\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"An example of the results of Barnett’s work digitizing and preserving a large-scale architectural drawing.  John Carrère and Thomas Hastings.  “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.”  c. 1889-1890. \"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082657/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church\" width=\"638\" class=\"size-full wp-image-959\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n','Digitizing Large-Format Architectural Plans','','inherit','open','open','','946-revision-28','','','2012-02-11 02:02:04','2012-02-11 02:02:04','',946,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/946-revision-28/',0,'revision','',0),(1448,13,'2012-02-14 07:38:49','2012-02-14 07:38:49','[caption id=\"attachment_957\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"James (Jimmy) Barnett using a Betterlight Super 8k-HS camera back and custom mount configuration to digitize John Carrère and Thomas Hastings’ “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890. Photo credit: Joe Kaleita, University of Florida Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-large wp-image-957\" title=\"uf_student  action photo_barnett 3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-action-photo_barnett-3-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_958\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Part Plan of Fourth Floor. Architectural drawings of the Hotel Ponce de Leon, St. Augustine, Florida.” 96”x40”.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089836/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-958\" title=\"Part Plan of Fourth Floor\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_959\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"An example of the results of Barnett’s work digitizing and preserving a large-scale architectural drawing. John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082657/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-959\" title=\"Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">Matthew Saunders work ended up in the Southeast Tennessee Digital Archive.  You can find the whole archive <a href=\"http://www.clevelandstatecc.edu/setda/\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>, and the items Saunders contributed <a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>.','Digitizing Large-Format Architectural Plans','','inherit','open','open','','946-revision-29','','','2012-02-14 07:38:49','2012-02-14 07:38:49','',946,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/946-revision-29/',0,'revision','',0),(1451,13,'2012-02-12 03:38:19','2012-02-12 03:38:19','[caption id=\"attachment_1368\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"386\" caption=\"Image of James A. Bible (c. 1860) from the Ramsey Family Papers (MS 81). Saunders worked on this image for the SETDA. Used by permission of Cleveland Public Library.\"]<a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-1368\" title=\"cscc_student work_sample material\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/cscc_student-work_sample-material.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"386\" height=\"640\" /></a>[/caption]','History Lab: Combining Service Learning, Research Methods, and Digital Archives ','','inherit','open','open','','1018-revision-12','','','2012-02-12 03:38:19','2012-02-12 03:38:19','',1018,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1018-revision-12/',0,'revision','',0),(1449,13,'2012-02-14 07:39:36','2012-02-14 07:39:36','[caption id=\"attachment_957\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"James (Jimmy) Barnett using a Betterlight Super 8k-HS camera back and custom mount configuration to digitize John Carrère and Thomas Hastings’ “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890. Photo credit: Joe Kaleita, University of Florida Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-large wp-image-957\" title=\"uf_student  action photo_barnett 3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-action-photo_barnett-3-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_958\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Part Plan of Fourth Floor. Architectural drawings of the Hotel Ponce de Leon, St. Augustine, Florida.” 96”x40”.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089836/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-958\" title=\"Part Plan of Fourth Floor\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_959\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"An example of the results of Barnett’s work digitizing and preserving a large-scale architectural drawing. John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082657/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-959\" title=\"Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\" style=\"margin-top: 30px;\">Matthew Saunders work ended up in the Southeast Tennessee Digital Archive. You can find the whole archive <a href=\"http://www.clevelandstatecc.edu/setda/\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>, and the items Saunders contributed <a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>.</span>','Digitizing Large-Format Architectural Plans','','inherit','open','open','','946-revision-30','','','2012-02-14 07:39:36','2012-02-14 07:39:36','',946,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/946-revision-30/',0,'revision','',0),(1450,13,'2012-02-14 07:40:27','2012-02-14 07:40:27','[caption id=\"attachment_957\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"James (Jimmy) Barnett using a Betterlight Super 8k-HS camera back and custom mount configuration to digitize John Carrère and Thomas Hastings’ “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890. Photo credit: Joe Kaleita, University of Florida Libraries.\"]<img class=\"size-large wp-image-957\" title=\"uf_student  action photo_barnett 3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-action-photo_barnett-3-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" />[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_958\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Part Plan of Fourth Floor. Architectural drawings of the Hotel Ponce de Leon, St. Augustine, Florida.” 96”x40”.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089836/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-958\" title=\"Part Plan of Fourth Floor\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_959\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"638\" caption=\"An example of the results of Barnett’s work digitizing and preserving a large-scale architectural drawing. John Carrère and Thomas Hastings. “Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church, St. Augustine, Fla.” c. 1889-1890.\"]<a href=\"http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00082657/00001\" target=\"_blank\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-959\" title=\"Ground Plan, Presbyterian Church\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/uf_student-work_image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"638\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">Matthew Saunders work ended up in the Southeast Tennessee Digital Archive. You can find the whole archive <a href=\"http://www.clevelandstatecc.edu/setda/\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>, and the items Saunders contributed <a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>.</span>','Digitizing Large-Format Architectural Plans','','inherit','open','open','','946-revision-31','','','2012-02-14 07:40:27','2012-02-14 07:40:27','',946,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/946-revision-31/',0,'revision','',0),(1453,13,'2012-02-14 07:42:09','2012-02-14 07:42:09','[caption id=\"attachment_1368\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"386\" caption=\"Image of James A. Bible (c. 1860) from the Ramsey Family Papers (MS 81). Saunders worked on this image for the SETDA. Used by permission of Cleveland Public Library.\"]<a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-1368\" title=\"cscc_student work_sample material\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/cscc_student-work_sample-material.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"386\" height=\"640\" /></a>[/caption]\r\n\r\n\r\n<span class=\"small light\">Matthew Saunders work ended up in the Southeast Tennessee Digital Archive. You can find the whole archive <a href=\"http://www.clevelandstatecc.edu/setda/\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>, and the items Saunders contributed <a href=\"http://csccdigital.cdmhost.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p4024coll8/id/216\" target=\"_blank\">here</a>.</span>','History Lab: Combining Service Learning, Research Methods, and Digital Archives ','','inherit','open','open','','1018-revision-13','','','2012-02-14 07:42:09','2012-02-14 07:42:09','',1018,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1018-revision-13/',0,'revision','',0),(1454,13,'2011-09-20 05:55:33','2011-09-20 05:55:33','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive.   We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.\r\n\r\n','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-7','','','2011-09-20 05:55:33','2011-09-20 05:55:33','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/09/336-revision-7/',0,'revision','',0),(1455,13,'2012-02-15 04:27:34','2012-02-15 04:27:34','','Questions','','publish','closed','closed','','acf_questions','','','2012-10-19 03:05:32','2012-10-19 03:05:32','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?post_type=acf&#038;p=1455',0,'acf','',0),(1456,13,'2012-02-15 04:29:18','2012-02-15 04:29:18','','Response Info','','publish','closed','closed','','acf_response-info','','','2012-10-29 17:28:28','2012-10-29 17:28:28','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?post_type=acf&#038;p=1456',0,'acf','',0),(1457,13,'2012-02-15 04:30:19','2012-02-15 04:30:19','','Respondents','','publish','closed','closed','','acf_respondents','','','2012-11-07 05:15:12','2012-11-07 05:15:12','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?post_type=acf&#038;p=1457',0,'acf','',0),(1458,13,'2012-02-15 04:35:12','2012-02-15 04:35:12','','Respondents','','inherit','open','open','','acf_respondents','','','2012-02-15 04:35:12','2012-02-15 04:35:12','',1457,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/acf_respondents/',0,'revision','',0),(1460,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:39','2012-02-15 04:59:39','','Respondents','','inherit','open','open','','acf_respondents-2','','','2012-02-15 04:59:39','2012-02-15 04:59:39','',1457,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/acf_respondents-2/',0,'revision','',0),(1461,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:52','2012-02-15 04:59:52','','cwarwick','','inherit','open','open','','cwarwick','','','2012-02-15 04:59:52','2012-02-15 04:59:52','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/cwarwick.jpg',0,'attachment','image/jpeg',0),(1462,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:53','2012-02-15 04:59:53','','emcgonagill','','inherit','open','open','','emcgonagill','','','2012-02-15 04:59:53','2012-02-15 04:59:53','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/emcgonagill.jpg',0,'attachment','image/jpeg',0),(1463,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:54','2012-02-15 04:59:54','','ewhitley','','inherit','open','open','','ewhitley','','','2012-02-15 04:59:54','2012-02-15 04:59:54','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/ewhitley.jpg',0,'attachment','image/jpeg',0),(1464,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:55','2012-02-15 04:59:55','','kprice','','inherit','open','open','','kprice','','','2012-02-15 04:59:55','2012-02-15 04:59:55','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/kprice.jpg',0,'attachment','image/jpeg',0),(1465,13,'2012-02-15 04:59:55','2012-02-15 04:59:55','','mgreene','','inherit','open','open','','mgreene-2','','','2012-02-15 04:59:55','2012-02-15 04:59:55','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/mgreene.jpg',0,'attachment','image/jpeg',0),(1466,13,'2012-02-15 04:37:37','2012-02-15 04:37:37','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-9','','','2012-02-15 04:37:37','2012-02-15 04:37:37','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-9/',0,'revision','',0),(1467,13,'2012-02-15 05:01:16','2012-02-15 05:01:16','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-10','','','2012-02-15 05:01:16','2012-02-15 05:01:16','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-10/',0,'revision','',0),(1468,13,'2012-02-15 05:05:02','2012-02-15 05:05:02','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-11','','','2012-02-15 05:05:02','2012-02-15 05:05:02','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-11/',0,'revision','',0),(1469,13,'2012-02-15 05:05:16','2012-02-15 05:05:16','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-12','','','2012-02-15 05:05:16','2012-02-15 05:05:16','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-12/',0,'revision','',0),(1470,13,'2012-02-15 05:18:17','2012-02-15 05:18:17','','Respondents','','inherit','open','open','','acf_respondents-3','','','2012-02-15 05:18:17','2012-02-15 05:18:17','',1457,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/acf_respondents-3/',0,'revision','',0),(1471,13,'2012-02-15 05:17:17','2012-02-15 05:17:17','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-13','','','2012-02-15 05:17:17','2012-02-15 05:17:17','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-13/',0,'revision','',0),(1484,13,'2011-05-02 21:30:48','2011-05-02 21:30:48','At the <em>Whitman Archive</em> we recently have focused on two aspects of Whitman\'s work: 1) what we call his scribal documents—the letters Whitman copied or drafted for others and the notes and summaries he drafted as a clerk in federal government offices; 2) Whitman\'s crossing of international boundaries as seen in translations and in the remaking of “Whitman” as his work is absorbed into other cultural, literary, and political traditions. In what follows I discuss these new developments to illustrate how the <em>Whitman Archive </em>continues to unfold to reveal new layers for development. After more than fifteen years, the <em>Whitman Archive </em>still intrigues me daily—whether it is Whitman’s writings, the people and processes which bring these texts to the public, the way we make them available, or what we (and others) may be able to do with them in the future. I conclude with a consideration of the long-term viability of our project and the crucial matters of funding and open access.\r\n\r\nFor the past two years I have been studying Whitman’s scribal documents and his time in Washington, DC (1863-1873) during and following the Civil War. Whitman worked for the Army Paymaster’s office, for the Bureau of Indian Affairs (part of the Department of the Interior), and for the Attorney General’s office. When I first went to Washington to look for documents in Whitman’s handwriting that might have been preserved in the records of these offices, I hoped to find perhaps a half dozen items in the National Archives; seven trips later, I have found close to 3,000.[ref]This research was prompted in part by the Whitman Archive’s recent grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Historical Publications and Records Commissions to edit Whitman’s literary works and correspondence from the Civil War and Reconstruction era.  These documents are now being transcribed and should be fully available within the next two years.[/ref] Thus far, all of the items are from the Attorney General’s Office. These scribal documents are crucial for understanding Whitman’s Washington years, his position in this particular office, and the influence of this work upon his literary development.\r\n\r\nOne document in Whitman’s handwriting, on an envelope of the Attorney General’s Office, says in its entirety:\r\n<blockquote><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">Memoranda</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">pardon</span> applicants Sept 8-9  -1865\r\n\r\n<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">also</span> the negro-suffrage\r\n\r\n<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">also position</span> of the President</blockquote>\r\nThe stationery might suggest that these are notes Whitman made to himself about work in the Attorney General’s office. But are they, and how can we know? Perhaps they are notes about issues Whitman wanted to consider as he was composing “Democratic Vistas.” After all, anyone who has worked with Whitman manuscripts knows that many of his letters and literary manuscripts were written on this type of office stationery and other repurposed pieces of paper.  I draw attention to this document not because it is the most powerful of the scribal documents (if it is one[ref]It may be significant that this document was not found where most of the scribal documents have been discovered, in the National Archives, but instead in the Charles E. Feinberg collection at the Library of Congress.[/ref]).  I highlight it, in fact, because of its liminal status: we can not determine whether this is a literary or a scribal document, a document written for Whitman\'s own purposes or for the purposes of others. As such, it challenges in a useful way the boundaries between literary and scribal documents.\r\n\r\nImagining a firm wall dividing these areas of life for Whitman is misleading.  At times, Whitman used his office address as his literary postal address, and he worked in the office at night (the heat and lighting were important benefits).  Moreover he first gained his clerkship with the help of Ralph Waldo Emerson, who recommended him on literary and patriotic grounds.[ref]See the letter from Ralph Waldo Emerson to Salmon P. Chase, 10 January 1863 available at http://whitmanarchive.org/biography/correspondence/cw/tei/nar.00002.html[/ref] And it was because Whitman’s Blue Book (his personal and very heavily revised copy of the third edition of <em>Leaves of Grass</em>)<em> </em>was found at his government desk that he lost his job at the Bureau of Indian Affairs. James Harlan, Secretary of the Interior, judged the book to be immoral, though Whitman’s allies staunchly defended it and helped him to secure a new post in the Attorney General’s office. During his Washington years, Whitman\'s literary and clerical lives regularly occurred in the same physical locations and no doubt out of related emotional and psychological circumstances.\r\n\r\nOne of the challenges in studying the scribal documents is to figure out what impact Whitman’s work in a series of low-level government positions had on his creative life. To date, critics have almost entirely ignored his ten years of labor in Washington offices. How should we understand and treat the scribal documents? In most cases Whitman acted not as author but as a conduit for the words and thoughts of others. Thus, it could be argued that these documents should not be featured in an archive centrally concerned with Whitman’s writings.  If his intellectual contributions to scribal documents are unclear and likely minimal, perhaps these documents should be excluded altogether from the <em>Whitman Archive</em>, or at least not prioritized.[ref]It is not clear yet—we need more time to study this trove of documents—how exactly the Attorney General’s office functioned.  Did Whitman merely transcribe a clean copy from a draft written by someone else?  Did he sometimes generate the letter based on an outline of points provided by another, or based on comments made in conversation to him? Certainly some of those who supervised him recognized his intellectual capacities. James Speed, for example, sought Whitman’s aid when he prepared an oration dedicating a bust of Abraham Lincoln.[/ref] It could be further argued that we should concentrate our finite time on making available additional known Whitman-authored documents (e.g., his journalism or short stories or novel, <em>Franklin Evans</em>). On the other hand, the scribal documents are potentially more revealing to scholars than such Whitman-authored documents, both because of the quantity of information and because the scribal documents were previously altogether unknown. Scholars may lack perfect access to Whitman’s journalism, short stories, and novel, but they do have reasonably good access for the time being. The same is not true for the scribal documents, and, if the <em>Whitman Archive </em>does not work on these materials, they are likely to remain buried, unavailable to enrich future biographical and critical studies.\r\n\r\nWhitman\'s experiences in Washington offices have rich implications. In Washington, Whitman was an actor near the epicenter of government efforts to reshape the nation in the aftermath of war. [ref]Rosemary Graham mistakenly argues that “for the most part . . . Whitman spent these postwar years as an observer.” See “Attorney General’s Office, United States,” in <em>Walt Whitman: An Encyclopedia</em>, ed. J.R. LeMaster and Donald D. Kummings (New York: Garland, 1998).[/ref] In his day job as an anonymous clerk, he and others in the office of the Attorney General dealt with postwar experiments with civil rights, war crimes, the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, battles over land claims in the west, and an assortment of other matters. He treated closely related matters while revising <em>Leaves of Grass</em> and drafting his probing cultural analysis “Democratic Vistas.” His network of friendships in Washington offices also shaped his ability to get government jobs and to advance his literary career.  For example, Whitman sent a copy of his “Proud Music of the Sea-Storm,” published in the <em>Atlantic Monthly</em> in February 1869, to an acquaintance named Julius Bing,[ref]Julius Bing (dates unknown) served as the clerk of the Joint Select Committee on Retrenchment in 1867 and 1868 and ghostwrote the 1868 report “Civil Service of the United States” before being appointed diplomatic agent for Crete later that year. A major advocate for reform of the Civil Service, Bing wrote a series of articles on the civil service for the <em>North American Review </em>and <em>Putnam’s Magazine</em> in 1867-1868. For more on Bing, about whom little is known, see  Art Hoogenboom, <em>Outlawing the Spoils: A History of the Civil Service Reform Movement 1865-1883</em> (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1968), especially 40-49.\r\n\r\nAlthough Whitman must have sent at least one letter to Bing, since Bing thanked Whitman for sending a copy of the <em>Atlantic Monthly</em> that included Whitman’s “Proud Music of the Sea-Storm” (the poem was published in the February 1869 issue of the magazine), no additional correspondence between Bing and Whitman has been identified to date.[/ref] a clerk of the Joint Select Committee on Retrenchment in 1867 and 1868.  In response, Bing wrote a lengthy letter urging Whitman to write a poem about the Child Crusades.  The poem was attempted by Whitman but never realized as such (Whitman’s notes on the topic and trial lines can be found in the Thomas B. Harned Collection of the Library of Congress). To the best of my knowledge, this aborted poem has not received any critical commentary, but I think it is well worth study because it is a rare instance of Whitman, in effect, collaborating on a poem, and it also shows him addressing an international issue of the remote past, but one with continuing resonance in his time and in our own.\r\n\r\nThe scribal documents also help shed light on Whitman’s increasing interest in international issues in his later writings—his work in the Attorney General’s office meant that he, quite literally, had his hand in international incidents involving Canada, Mexico, Ireland, France, Britain, Spain, China, and many other countries. The <em>Whitman Archive</em> recently has focused increasingly on international issues in more direct ways, too. Since most people in the world first encounter Whitman in a language other than English we are attempting to better serve that audience. We currently provide translations of Whitman\'s work into German, Spanish, and Russian; translations into Ukrainian, Portuguese, and Yiddish are far along in development. In addition, we are in conversation with scholars about expanding our work into Chinese, Polish, Italian and other languages soon. It is fascinating to see what happens to Whitman when he crosses linguistic and cultural borders and becomes absorbed in another milieu. This interaction often illuminates both the hosting cultural tradition as it comes to terms with Whitman as well as the ways that American audiences have interpreted Whitman\'s works.\r\n\r\nOne of the strengths of the <em>Archive</em>, related to the digital nature of our work, is the ever-evolving team that has built and continues to build the project. The <em>Whitman Archive</em> has become a training ground and laboratory for the next generation of literary scholars and digital humanists. The staff of the <em>Whitman Archive</em>—largely made up of graduate students—get hands-on experience and serve as apprentices of sorts.  These graduate students serve as assistant editors and often attain positions of considerable responsibility within the project. I have been delighted by the diverse career paths our “alumni” have taken: one has gained a faculty position in a library; another works at the vice-chancellor level at a major university in an information technology role; some have gained tenure track positions at research-oriented institutions; others are employed at digital centers in various roles.  Collectively they have demonstrated a range of ways to succeed professionally; their lives offer hope in a time of difficult job prospects in the humanities.\r\n\r\nAlthough the creation of the <em>Whitman Archive</em>—a vast and still rapidly growing resource—has cost a great deal of money, we are able to make it freely available.  One of the strengths of the <em>Archive</em>, then, stems from success in garnering local support from several key institutions, a steady stream of grant support from four different federal agencies, and donations from various individuals and private foundations. These fundraising efforts culminated in the creation of a permanent endowment to support ongoing editorial work. We realize that this ongoing work could potentially reach far into the future, and we strive to make our work reusable for later scholars (so they can improve upon it) by documenting our practices and decisions.  Having an endowment obliges us to think in longer terms than is common for scholars: we have the burden and advantage of a project that should continue well beyond the lives of anyone now working on the <em>Whitman Archive</em>.\r\n\r\nFor end users a key advantage of the <em>Whitman Archive</em> is that it makes freely available what would otherwise be difficult, costly, or impossible to access. The nature and extent of our audience are changed profoundly because the <em>Whitman Archive</em> is freely available, changes that are all to the good in my view. Instead of working with a small audience of specialist scholars in mind, we now also consider our large, varied, international audience as well. The importance of open access can hardly be overestimated. For us, open access means more than making content freely available for reading and analysis; it means making content freely available for reuse and repurposing. We willingly share files and have people work with them and reuse them in projects as long as those projects also are open, and they cite the <em>Archive</em>.\r\n\r\nDespite what the <em>Walt Whitman Archive</em> has accomplished thus far, we recognize that some features are lacking and that other features should be improved. The current search capability of the <em>Archive </em>is fairly limited and fails to take full advantage of our encoding, a key contribution to Whitman scholarship. Upcoming developments make me optimistic about leveraging the <em>Archive</em>’s rich encoding in more sophisticated ways, however, and experiments in indexing and searching the <em>Archive</em> are ongoing.  The text base we’ve developed and continue to develop will lend itself to experimentation—by us and others, and we have rightly spent fifteen years developing the corpus so that it can be read, researched, and used by a variety of audiences employing a range of technologies and methodologies. The <em>Whitman Archive</em> also provides for the study of a new scholarly form, thanks to our documentation including encoding guidelines, history, and essays about the <em>Archive</em>. What seems clear is that the <em>Whitman Archive</em> is one of a group of projects that are demonstrating how the print-based monumental scholarly edition can be reimagined and advanced in the form of an electronic archive.','2','At the Whitman Archive we recently have focused on two aspects of Whitman\'s work: 1) what we call his scribal documents—the letters Whitman copied or drafted for others and the notes and summaries he drafted as a clerk in federal government offices; 2) Whitman\'s crossing of international boundaries as seen in translations and in the remaking of “Whitman” as his work is absorbed into other cultural, literary, and political traditions.','inherit','open','open','','114-revision-15','','','2011-05-02 21:30:48','2011-05-02 21:30:48','',114,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/05/114-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1485,13,'2011-05-02 21:21:28','2011-05-02 21:21:28','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery tool for exploring what he calls “the wild and unpredictable intersections of the data that the interface allows us to generate.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Database as Genre: The Epic Transformation of Archives,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1609-10.[/ref] The prospect of having the Archive uncover meaningful relationships between texts is, indeed, an exciting one. As Jonathan Freedman notes, the “ability to link heterogeneous subjects and find once-occulted connections and interconnections makes scholarship invigoratingly fun.”[ref]Jonathan Freedman, “Whitman, Database, Information Culture,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1597.[/ref] As a frequent user of the Whitman Archive, I’ve experienced this “invigorating fun” first-hand, and I look forward to the Archive including more texts by and about Whitman, and incorporating more discovery tools like Brian Pytlik Zillig’s <a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/resources/tools/index.html\">TokenX</a>.\r\n\r\nAs someone working on digital humanities projects of my own, however, I’m as interested in understanding what it takes to create such tools for discovery as I am the end-user experience of having digital tools make “unpredictable” and “invigorating” discoveries on my behalf. For the remainder of this essay, I’m going to share some thoughts on what has to happen on the back end of a digital project in order to make an otherwise rigorously structured digital artifact feel “wild and unpredictable” to its users. I’ll start with Kenneth M. Price’s description of the necessary labor that goes into structuring data such that it will yield surprising results for end users: \"A database is not an undifferentiated sea of information out of which structure emerges,” Price writes. “Argument is always there from the beginning in how those constructing a database choose to categorize information.\"[ref]Price, “Edition.”[/ref] To an end user who searches a database and finds an interesting juxtaposition between a handful of the hundreds (or thousands) of total documents on that database, it can seem as if those documents have emerged out of “an undifferentiated sea of information.” The reality, however, is far different.\r\n\r\nWhen Price alludes to the process that the creators of a database go through as they decide how to “categorize information,” he makes it clear that whenever a user generates a surprising set of juxtapositions between documents it is because someone, somewhere, at some point, has meticulously categorized those documents in such a way that a search engine (or other text analysis tool) will be able to process those documents in a meaningful way. Jerome McGann, who has also commented on the rigorous process of structuring data that is required to create a digital archive, writes that “databases and all digital instruments require the most severe kinds of categorical forms. The power of database—of digital instruments in general—rests in its ability to draw sharp, disambiguated distinctions.”[ref]Jerome McGann, “Database, Interface, and Archival Fever,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1590.[/ref] As both Price and McGann indicate, what can feel like a surprising juxtaposition for the end user has, to a certain extent, already been determined in advance through a time- and labor-intensive process of marking-up, encoding, or otherwise categorizing data.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that those who structure the data for a digital archive have already anticipated every possible search string that users could ever imagine. On the contrary, what interests me as both the user and the creator of digital archives is the effect by which this “sharp, disambiguated” structuring of data can, indeed, produce juxtapositions that archivists could never have predicted. The fundamental preconditions for cultivating such serendipitous discoveries, it seems to me, are a large enough data set and a sufficiently intelligent schema for categorizing that data (not to mention the time, money, software, hardware, human resources, and expertise required to process and categorize the data in the first place).\r\n\r\nAllow me to cite an example from outside the realm of digital archiving to illustrate what’s involved in structuring data that yields serendipitous juxtapositions. Pandora Radio is an Internet music service whose goal is to create customized, online radio stations for its users. This customization is based on the work of the Music Genome Project, which has categorized the musical attributes of thousands of different songs. Taking into consideration “everything from melody, harmony and rhythm, to instrumentation, orchestration, arrangement, lyrics, and . . . singing and vocal harmony,” the Music Genome Project assigns anywhere between 150 and 400 different descriptors to a single song. These descriptors are based on both objective criteria such as the types of instruments used in the song or whether the song is in a major or a minor key, as well as more subjective criteria such as whether or not a song features “Acoustic Sonority,” “Prevalent Use of Groove,” or a “Wet Recording Sound.\"[ref]“The Music Genome Project,” Pandora Radio, accessed December 2, 2010 <a href=\"http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml\">http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml</a>.[/ref] (These descriptors are referred to as musical “genes,” but they could just as easily be called metadata or tags.) Visitors to Pandora Radio type in the name of a song that they like, and then based on the attributes that have been pre-assigned to that song, Pandora will play other songs with similar attributes. The promise of Pandora is that once a database of songs is categorized according to a controlled vocabulary capable of being processed by a computer, listeners will be pleasantly surprised to discover songs that they never knew they already liked. (These songs are, of course, available for purchase so that no serendipitous discovery goes un-capitalized.)\r\n\r\nI cite this example within the context of the Whitman Archive not necessarily because Pandora Radio provides a model for digital scholarship of nineteenth-century literature, but because the process of categorizing songs for the Music Genome Project is remarkably similar to the archivist’s effort of structuring data in such a way that it can produce surprising results for the end user. For both Pandora and the Whitman Archive, then, the goal is to reach the tipping point where methodical structuring becomes unexpected discovery, where the left hand doesn’t know what the right hand is doing and structured data takes on forms that the structure-ers never quite imagined. I like to think that this tipping point where structure yields serendipity is similar to the moment in a fractal pattern where geometry becomes art, the moment where a rigorous, mathematically defined structure takes on an aesthetic quality that was never explicitly intended by the mathematical code that undergirds it, but that is nevertheless absolutely dependent upon that code for its very existence.\r\n\r\nMy hope as both the user and creator of digital archives is that we can come to a better understanding of the processes of classification and naming that are involved in these efforts structure data in meaningful ways. Scholars of literature are already comfortable thinking about the power of language to represent—and even create—the world around us. We already have at our disposal a variety of theoretical apparatuses for thinking about the power of language to name and define the world, from the formalism of the New Critics to the semiotics of the Post-Structuralists and even the focus on the materiality of language in Book History scholarship. What we need to add to this list of theories and methodologies is a more sophisticated understanding of taxonomy and categorization. This will not only require an interdisciplinary rendezvous with librarians and scholars of information architecture, but it will also demand that we do the cultural history of such seemingly mundane phenomena as filing cabinets and accounting ledgers. Compared to the work being done by digital humanities scholars in the areas of data visualization, text mining, social networking, and geo-spatial analysis, studying the history of cataloging, sorting, and organizing seems to be the intellectual equivalent of a trip to Target to buy hard-plastic storage bins when you’d rather be at the Apple Store picking up an iPad. Nevertheless, everything that we want digital technology to do to help us better understand literary texts depends upon our ability to properly name, sort, and categorize the information that we put into a computer. We do ourselves a disservice to ignore or even minimize this crucial stage of the process.\r\n\r\nOne of the most frequently quoted statements about the future of digital scholarship in the humanities comes from Jerome McGann, who wrote that “the digital technology used by humanities scholars has focused almost exclusively on methods of sorting, accessing, and disseminating large bodies of materials. In this respect the work has not engaged the central questions and concerns of the [humanities, which is] . . . . the exploration and explanation of aesthetic works.”[ref]Jerome McGann, <em>Radiant Textuality: Literature after the World Wide Web</em> (New York: Palgrave, 2001), xi-xii.[/ref] I don’t want to make a straw-man out of McGann’s powerful insight, but I can’t help but take issue with his claim that the “sorting” of texts will not aid us in our goal of using digital technology to explore and explain aesthetic works. Before a digital tool of any kind can work with a text in any way, the elements of that text must be sorted, classified, and categorized according to a schema that the computer will understand. This is not to say that scholars in the digital humanities should put aside their text visualization projects and their geo-spatial analyses in order to do the Dewey Decimal system one better, but rather that the foundational tasks of organizing and classifying should more completely theorized and more intimately woven into the fabric of digital scholarship.\r\n\r\nBy attending to the tedium of taxonomy we may begin to feel like nineteenth-century scriveners rather than twenty-first century techies. Like those scriveners of old, we may prefer not to spend our time with such mundane things. Nevertheless, if we wish to generate the kinds of “wild and unpredictable intersections of . . . data” that “makes scholarship invigoratingly fun” we should embrace what actually promises to be a fascinating conversation about the history of taxonomy, structure, classification, and form. This conversation will take us through the Library of Alexandria, the Great Chain of Being, medieval bestiaries, Wunderkammer, the Mundaneum, the Six Degrees of Kevin Bacon, cryptography, tarot cards, and Vannevar Bush’s Memex. Every time we tag, code, or classify a text for a digital archive, we are participating in the long history of human classification systems. The better able we are to understand that history and to situate ourselves within it, the better understanding we will have of our digital archives and what they can do.','360&deg;: The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 4','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery to...','inherit','open','open','','144-revision-20','','','2011-05-02 21:21:28','2011-05-02 21:21:28','',144,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/05/144-revision-20/',0,'revision','',0),(1486,13,'2011-05-02 21:22:46','2011-05-02 21:22:46','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors. In such an environment, Folsom writes, “All users are potential co-editors.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Projecting Whitman: The Evolution and Remediation of The Collected Writings of Walt Whitman,” <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00003.html.[/ref] I love the notion that everyone is a “potential co-editor” of the Whitman Archive, and I\'d like to consider how the Archive could make better use of its digital form as a way to more fully realize this potential. I would never advocate for crowd-sourcing the Archive on the model of sites like Wikipedia, but I would like the Archive directors to take more seriously the implication that “All users are potential co-editors.”\r\n\r\nI have a tremendous amount of respect for how the Archive directors have responded to public criticisms from other scholars. In a 2007 <em>PMLA</em> forum on the Whitman Archive, for example, Meredith McGill took the Archive to task for decontextualizing the poems that Whitman had published in newspapers and magazines by clipping the poems from their original sources and excluding all the other articles, poems, and advertisements that appeared alongside Whitman’s poems.[ref]Meredith L. McGill, “Remediating Whitman,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007):1594.[/ref] The Archive promptly responded to this criticism by including the entire page of the periodical where a Whitman poem appeared. But not every user of the Whitman Archive can get the attention of the Archive directors in the pages of <em>PMLA</em>. And even those fortunate enough to do so don\'t have a mechanism for providing additional feedback to the Archive directors regarding their response to suggestions for improvement. I wonder, does McGill think it was sufficient to include the complete newspaper page where a Whitman poem appeared, or would she rather that the Archive include the rest of the issue is well? Or would she even prefer a link to some external site that hosts the entire run of the paper?\r\n\r\nThe Archive could make better use of its digital form by providing “user accounts or other community-hosting capabilities,” as Matt Cohen has recently suggested.[ref]Cohen, “Design and Politics,” 241.[/ref]Integrating Web 2.0 components such as user accounts and a comment section to the Whitman Archive would have considerable implications for the Archive: while a comments section would give scholars such as McGill a much more dynamic venue for engaging with the Archive\'s directors, it would also make the Archive feel less like a scholarly edition of Whitman\'s works and more like a Facebook fan page. Nevertheless, Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has already said that “scholarly edition” doesn\'t necessarily describe what the Whitman Archive actually is. Instead, Price has characterized the Archive as something more like a workshop, or, as he puts it, a “group of people who are now joined together for a common purpose.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price, \"Edition, Project, Database, Archive, Thematic Research Collection: What\'s in a Name?\" <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00346.html.[/ref] If that group of people could also include the hundreds (if not thousands) of scholars, students, and non-academic readers who visit the Archive every day, it would not only make better use of the digital medium, but it would also go some distance toward fulfilling Folsom\'s claim that “All users are potential co-editors.”','360&deg;: The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 3','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors.','inherit','open','open','','142-revision-15','','','2011-05-02 21:22:46','2011-05-02 21:22:46','',142,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/05/142-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1487,13,'2012-02-15 06:54:42','2012-02-15 06:54:42','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors. In such an environment, Folsom writes, “All users are potential co-editors.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Projecting Whitman: The Evolution and Remediation of The Collected Writings of Walt Whitman,” <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00003.html.[/ref] I love the notion that everyone is a “potential co-editor” of the Whitman Archive, and I\'d like to consider how the Archive could make better use of its digital form as a way to more fully realize this potential. I would never advocate for crowd-sourcing the Archive on the model of sites like Wikipedia, but I would like the Archive directors to take more seriously the implication that “All users are potential co-editors.”\r\n\r\nI have a tremendous amount of respect for how the Archive directors have responded to public criticisms from other scholars. In a 2007 <em>PMLA</em> forum on the Whitman Archive, for example, Meredith McGill took the Archive to task for decontextualizing the poems that Whitman had published in newspapers and magazines by clipping the poems from their original sources and excluding all the other articles, poems, and advertisements that appeared alongside Whitman’s poems.[ref]Meredith L. McGill, “Remediating Whitman,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007):1594.[/ref] The Archive promptly responded to this criticism by including the entire page of the periodical where a Whitman poem appeared. But not every user of the Whitman Archive can get the attention of the Archive directors in the pages of <em>PMLA</em>. And even those fortunate enough to do so don\'t have a mechanism for providing additional feedback to the Archive directors regarding their response to suggestions for improvement. I wonder, does McGill think it was sufficient to include the complete newspaper page where a Whitman poem appeared, or would she rather that the Archive include the rest of the issue is well? Or would she even prefer a link to some external site that hosts the entire run of the paper?\r\n\r\nThe Archive could make better use of its digital form by providing “user accounts or other community-hosting capabilities,” as Matt Cohen has recently suggested.[ref]Cohen, “Design and Politics,” 241.[/ref]Integrating Web 2.0 components such as user accounts and a comment section to the Whitman Archive would have considerable implications for the Archive: while a comments section would give scholars such as McGill a much more dynamic venue for engaging with the Archive\'s directors, it would also make the Archive feel less like a scholarly edition of Whitman\'s works and more like a Facebook fan page. Nevertheless, Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has already said that “scholarly edition” doesn\'t necessarily describe what the Whitman Archive actually is. Instead, Price has characterized the Archive as something more like a workshop, or, as he puts it, a “group of people who are now joined together for a common purpose.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price, \"Edition, Project, Database, Archive, Thematic Research Collection: What\'s in a Name?\" <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00346.html.[/ref] If that group of people could also include the hundreds (if not thousands) of scholars, students, and non-academic readers who visit the Archive every day, it would not only make better use of the digital medium, but it would also go some distance toward fulfilling Folsom\'s claim that “All users are potential co-editors.”','360&deg;: The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 3','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors.','inherit','open','open','','142-revision-16','','','2012-02-15 06:54:42','2012-02-15 06:54:42','',142,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/142-revision-16/',0,'revision','',0),(1489,13,'2011-05-02 21:23:22','2011-05-02 21:23:22','I would like to see the Whitman Archive make more transparent the choices that go into deciding how texts are marked-up and encoded. Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has written that the “ongoing decision-making” regarding the mark-up of texts on the Archive is “interpretive rather than mechanical,” and that this interpretive coding “adds intelligence to an electronic text . . .  mak[ing] it robust and illuminating as a tool for analysis.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price,\"\'Debris,\' Creative Scatter, and the Challenges of Editing Whitman,\" in <em>Walt Whitman, Where the Future Becomes Present</em>, ed. David Haven Blake and Michael Robertson (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2008), 67.[/ref] I admire Price’s forthright admission that marking-up a text for the digital medium is not merely a change in format, but an act of interpretation. As someone who visits the Whitman Archive on a regular basis, I’d like to have a clearer sense of what kinds of decisions—and, therefore, interpretations—are being made as texts are digitally encoded, and, specifically, what those decisions reveal about the textual condition of Whitman’s works.\r\n\r\nThis request is not based in a suspicion of any kind that the Archive directors are placing a biased interpretation onto Whitman’s poetry as they encode it for presentation on the Archive; rather, my request is based in a desire to following along on the process of discovery that Matt Cohen describes as an integral part of digital encoding: “As a student in the 1990s, doing transcription and basic encoding of Whitman documents, I learned a lot about textual structures that I had not encountered in seminars; when discussing these observations with the project directors, sometimes new areas of concern or future development would emerge.”[ref]Matt Cohen, “Design and Politics in Electronic American Literary Archives,” in <em>The American Literature Scholar in the Digital Age</em>, ed. Amy Earhart and Andrew Jewell (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011), 233.[/ref] The Archive is already a valuable resource for gaining access to Whitman’s works; it can also be a resource for learning about how Whitman constructed his texts in manuscript and in print by eavesdropping on the process by which these texts are reconstructed for the digital medium.\r\n\r\nDirectors and editors at the Archive have already begun to provide the kind of running commentary on the encoding process that I would like to see more of. Brett Barney, the Senior Associate Editor of the Archive, has written an insightful essay about his encoding the 1867 edition of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> that is available on the Archive, and both Price and Folsom have published, in a number of different venues, provocative essays that detail the lessons about textuality that they have learned from preparing texts for the Archive.[ref]Brett Barney, \"‘Each Part and Tag of Me is a Miracle: Reflections after Tagging the 1867 Leaves of Grass,” <em>The <em>Walt Whitman Archive, </em></em><em>accessed December 2, 2010 </em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00002.html\">http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00002.html</a>. Additional essay by Folsom and Price are also available at http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/index.html.[/ref] Currently, the Whitman Archive makes available the TEI-encoded XML source files for the major texts on the Archive as well as the Archive’s encoding guidelines and related DTD files. As much as I value this peek into the inner workings of the Archive, the process by which these XML files are created—the “ongoing decision-making” Price refers to—is as important as the product itself. The Archive could benefit from more self-reflexive commentaries on the encoding process, perhaps using Barney’s essay as a model. The recently added <a href=\"http://wwa-changelog.blogspot.com/\">WWA-Changelog</a>—a blog connected to the Archive that details the changes that editors make to files once they are posted online—could provide a model for how such commentaries could be more fully integrated into the experience of working with the Archive.','360&deg;: The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 2','I would like to see the Whitman Archive make more transparent the choices that go into deciding how texts are marked-up and encoded. Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has written that the “ongoing decision-making” regarding the mark-up of texts on the Archive is “interpretive rather than mechanical,” and that this interpretive coding...','inherit','open','open','','140-revision-13','','','2011-05-02 21:23:22','2011-05-02 21:23:22','',140,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/05/140-revision-13/',0,'revision','',0),(1490,13,'2011-05-02 21:23:53','2011-05-02 21:23:53','From my perspective as a scholar, the greatest strength of the Whitman Archive is that it provides free and open access to the essential texts for studying the life and work of Walt Whitman. I’ve consulted the Whitman Archive every time I’ve ever written about Whitman, whether it’s to check the precise wording of a text, to follow the life cycle of a poem as it moves from manuscript to print and on through the various editions of <em>Leaves of Grass</em>, to identify the location of a primary document in a brick-and-mortar archive, to read nineteenth-century reviews of Whitman’s writing, or to search the Archive’s exhaustive database of Whitman scholarship. Using the Whitman Archive is like having immediate access to shelves and shelves worth of valuable (and often expensive) books.\r\n\r\nWhen I was a graduate student I burned through a toner cartridge printing out page images of the antebellum editions of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> from the Whitman Archive. The poems in these early editions went through radical revisions from one edition of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> to the next, and I really needed to get to know these poems in order to make the argument I was making in my dissertation about Whitman’s antebellum period. Being able to access these poems in various states gave me a much better sense of Whitman’s pre-Civil War career than the variorum of <em>Leaves of Grass</em>—with its decontextualized snippets from the antebellum editions—was able to give me.\r\n\r\nI’ve also recently learned that the Whitman Archive is more than just a repository of raw materials that scholars can mine for the resources we need to tell our stories about Whitman’s life and work; rather, the Archive is a storyteller in its own right. Here’s an example: <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden,</em> the multi-volume collection of Whitman’s conversations with his friend Horace Trauble, was not yet available on the Archive when I was writing an essay a few years ago about Elizabeth Porter Gould, the editor of a gift-book edition of Whitman’s poems called <em>Gems from Walt Whitman</em> (1889). Without the benefit of a searchable, digital edition of <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden</em> I had to find references to Gould the old-fashioned way: cribbing from Ed Folsom’s footnotes—and, of course, slogging through the poorly indexed volumes themselves. Since I published the essay, however, I’ve had the opportunity to search for Gould in the Archive’s edition of <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden</em>, and the effect of having the Archive’s search engine generate a list of these references had a remarkable impact on me. The essay that I had written demanded a certain amount of focus in order to make the argument about gender and authorship that I wanted to make, and I was always left with a touch of regret that I never had the chance to unfold the fascinating relationship between Whitman and Gould as fully as I would have liked. Opening up different tabs in my browser to read each of these references on the Whitman Archive, however, allowed me to track the progress of their relationship as they negotiated their competing goals for what <em>Gems from Walt Whitman </em>should be. I’m proud of the story that I was able to tell about Whitman and Gould, but I’m also glad to know that the Whitman Archive can tell that story another way.','360°: The Walt Whitman Archive – Question 1','From my perspective as a scholar, the greatest strength of the Whitman Archive is that it provides free and open access to the essential texts for studying the life and work of Walt Whitman. I’ve consulted the Whitman Archive every time I’ve ever written about Whitman, whether it’s to check the precise wording of a text, to follow the life cycle of a poem...','inherit','open','open','','138-revision-14','','','2011-05-02 21:23:53','2011-05-02 21:23:53','',138,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2011/05/138-revision-14/',0,'revision','',0),(1491,13,'2012-02-15 06:55:26','2012-02-15 06:55:26','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors. In such an environment, Folsom writes, “All users are potential co-editors.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Projecting Whitman: The Evolution and Remediation of The Collected Writings of Walt Whitman,” <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00003.html.[/ref] I love the notion that everyone is a “potential co-editor” of the Whitman Archive, and I\'d like to consider how the Archive could make better use of its digital form as a way to more fully realize this potential. I would never advocate for crowd-sourcing the Archive on the model of sites like Wikipedia, but I would like the Archive directors to take more seriously the implication that “All users are potential co-editors.”\r\n\r\nI have a tremendous amount of respect for how the Archive directors have responded to public criticisms from other scholars. In a 2007 <em>PMLA</em> forum on the Whitman Archive, for example, Meredith McGill took the Archive to task for decontextualizing the poems that Whitman had published in newspapers and magazines by clipping the poems from their original sources and excluding all the other articles, poems, and advertisements that appeared alongside Whitman’s poems.[ref]Meredith L. McGill, “Remediating Whitman,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007):1594.[/ref] The Archive promptly responded to this criticism by including the entire page of the periodical where a Whitman poem appeared. But not every user of the Whitman Archive can get the attention of the Archive directors in the pages of <em>PMLA</em>. And even those fortunate enough to do so don\'t have a mechanism for providing additional feedback to the Archive directors regarding their response to suggestions for improvement. I wonder, does McGill think it was sufficient to include the complete newspaper page where a Whitman poem appeared, or would she rather that the Archive include the rest of the issue is well? Or would she even prefer a link to some external site that hosts the entire run of the paper?\r\n\r\nThe Archive could make better use of its digital form by providing “user accounts or other community-hosting capabilities,” as Matt Cohen has recently suggested.[ref]Cohen, “Design and Politics,” 241.[/ref]Integrating Web 2.0 components such as user accounts and a comment section to the Whitman Archive would have considerable implications for the Archive: while a comments section would give scholars such as McGill a much more dynamic venue for engaging with the Archive\'s directors, it would also make the Archive feel less like a scholarly edition of Whitman\'s works and more like a Facebook fan page. Nevertheless, Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has already said that “scholarly edition” doesn\'t necessarily describe what the Whitman Archive actually is. Instead, Price has characterized the Archive as something more like a workshop, or, as he puts it, a “group of people who are now joined together for a common purpose.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price, \"Edition, Project, Database, Archive, Thematic Research Collection: What\'s in a Name?\" <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00346.html.[/ref] If that group of people could also include the hundreds (if not thousands) of scholars, students, and non-academic readers who visit the Archive every day, it would not only make better use of the digital medium, but it would also go some distance toward fulfilling Folsom\'s claim that “All users are potential co-editors.”','The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 3','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors.','inherit','open','open','','142-revision-17','','','2012-02-15 06:55:26','2012-02-15 06:55:26','',142,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/142-revision-17/',0,'revision','',0),(1492,13,'2012-02-15 06:55:31','2012-02-15 06:55:31','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery tool for exploring what he calls “the wild and unpredictable intersections of the data that the interface allows us to generate.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Database as Genre: The Epic Transformation of Archives,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1609-10.[/ref] The prospect of having the Archive uncover meaningful relationships between texts is, indeed, an exciting one. As Jonathan Freedman notes, the “ability to link heterogeneous subjects and find once-occulted connections and interconnections makes scholarship invigoratingly fun.”[ref]Jonathan Freedman, “Whitman, Database, Information Culture,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1597.[/ref] As a frequent user of the Whitman Archive, I’ve experienced this “invigorating fun” first-hand, and I look forward to the Archive including more texts by and about Whitman, and incorporating more discovery tools like Brian Pytlik Zillig’s <a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/resources/tools/index.html\">TokenX</a>.\r\n\r\nAs someone working on digital humanities projects of my own, however, I’m as interested in understanding what it takes to create such tools for discovery as I am the end-user experience of having digital tools make “unpredictable” and “invigorating” discoveries on my behalf. For the remainder of this essay, I’m going to share some thoughts on what has to happen on the back end of a digital project in order to make an otherwise rigorously structured digital artifact feel “wild and unpredictable” to its users. I’ll start with Kenneth M. Price’s description of the necessary labor that goes into structuring data such that it will yield surprising results for end users: \"A database is not an undifferentiated sea of information out of which structure emerges,” Price writes. “Argument is always there from the beginning in how those constructing a database choose to categorize information.\"[ref]Price, “Edition.”[/ref] To an end user who searches a database and finds an interesting juxtaposition between a handful of the hundreds (or thousands) of total documents on that database, it can seem as if those documents have emerged out of “an undifferentiated sea of information.” The reality, however, is far different.\r\n\r\nWhen Price alludes to the process that the creators of a database go through as they decide how to “categorize information,” he makes it clear that whenever a user generates a surprising set of juxtapositions between documents it is because someone, somewhere, at some point, has meticulously categorized those documents in such a way that a search engine (or other text analysis tool) will be able to process those documents in a meaningful way. Jerome McGann, who has also commented on the rigorous process of structuring data that is required to create a digital archive, writes that “databases and all digital instruments require the most severe kinds of categorical forms. The power of database—of digital instruments in general—rests in its ability to draw sharp, disambiguated distinctions.”[ref]Jerome McGann, “Database, Interface, and Archival Fever,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1590.[/ref] As both Price and McGann indicate, what can feel like a surprising juxtaposition for the end user has, to a certain extent, already been determined in advance through a time- and labor-intensive process of marking-up, encoding, or otherwise categorizing data.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that those who structure the data for a digital archive have already anticipated every possible search string that users could ever imagine. On the contrary, what interests me as both the user and the creator of digital archives is the effect by which this “sharp, disambiguated” structuring of data can, indeed, produce juxtapositions that archivists could never have predicted. The fundamental preconditions for cultivating such serendipitous discoveries, it seems to me, are a large enough data set and a sufficiently intelligent schema for categorizing that data (not to mention the time, money, software, hardware, human resources, and expertise required to process and categorize the data in the first place).\r\n\r\nAllow me to cite an example from outside the realm of digital archiving to illustrate what’s involved in structuring data that yields serendipitous juxtapositions. Pandora Radio is an Internet music service whose goal is to create customized, online radio stations for its users. This customization is based on the work of the Music Genome Project, which has categorized the musical attributes of thousands of different songs. Taking into consideration “everything from melody, harmony and rhythm, to instrumentation, orchestration, arrangement, lyrics, and . . . singing and vocal harmony,” the Music Genome Project assigns anywhere between 150 and 400 different descriptors to a single song. These descriptors are based on both objective criteria such as the types of instruments used in the song or whether the song is in a major or a minor key, as well as more subjective criteria such as whether or not a song features “Acoustic Sonority,” “Prevalent Use of Groove,” or a “Wet Recording Sound.\"[ref]“The Music Genome Project,” Pandora Radio, accessed December 2, 2010 <a href=\"http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml\">http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml</a>.[/ref] (These descriptors are referred to as musical “genes,” but they could just as easily be called metadata or tags.) Visitors to Pandora Radio type in the name of a song that they like, and then based on the attributes that have been pre-assigned to that song, Pandora will play other songs with similar attributes. The promise of Pandora is that once a database of songs is categorized according to a controlled vocabulary capable of being processed by a computer, listeners will be pleasantly surprised to discover songs that they never knew they already liked. (These songs are, of course, available for purchase so that no serendipitous discovery goes un-capitalized.)\r\n\r\nI cite this example within the context of the Whitman Archive not necessarily because Pandora Radio provides a model for digital scholarship of nineteenth-century literature, but because the process of categorizing songs for the Music Genome Project is remarkably similar to the archivist’s effort of structuring data in such a way that it can produce surprising results for the end user. For both Pandora and the Whitman Archive, then, the goal is to reach the tipping point where methodical structuring becomes unexpected discovery, where the left hand doesn’t know what the right hand is doing and structured data takes on forms that the structure-ers never quite imagined. I like to think that this tipping point where structure yields serendipity is similar to the moment in a fractal pattern where geometry becomes art, the moment where a rigorous, mathematically defined structure takes on an aesthetic quality that was never explicitly intended by the mathematical code that undergirds it, but that is nevertheless absolutely dependent upon that code for its very existence.\r\n\r\nMy hope as both the user and creator of digital archives is that we can come to a better understanding of the processes of classification and naming that are involved in these efforts structure data in meaningful ways. Scholars of literature are already comfortable thinking about the power of language to represent—and even create—the world around us. We already have at our disposal a variety of theoretical apparatuses for thinking about the power of language to name and define the world, from the formalism of the New Critics to the semiotics of the Post-Structuralists and even the focus on the materiality of language in Book History scholarship. What we need to add to this list of theories and methodologies is a more sophisticated understanding of taxonomy and categorization. This will not only require an interdisciplinary rendezvous with librarians and scholars of information architecture, but it will also demand that we do the cultural history of such seemingly mundane phenomena as filing cabinets and accounting ledgers. Compared to the work being done by digital humanities scholars in the areas of data visualization, text mining, social networking, and geo-spatial analysis, studying the history of cataloging, sorting, and organizing seems to be the intellectual equivalent of a trip to Target to buy hard-plastic storage bins when you’d rather be at the Apple Store picking up an iPad. Nevertheless, everything that we want digital technology to do to help us better understand literary texts depends upon our ability to properly name, sort, and categorize the information that we put into a computer. We do ourselves a disservice to ignore or even minimize this crucial stage of the process.\r\n\r\nOne of the most frequently quoted statements about the future of digital scholarship in the humanities comes from Jerome McGann, who wrote that “the digital technology used by humanities scholars has focused almost exclusively on methods of sorting, accessing, and disseminating large bodies of materials. In this respect the work has not engaged the central questions and concerns of the [humanities, which is] . . . . the exploration and explanation of aesthetic works.”[ref]Jerome McGann, <em>Radiant Textuality: Literature after the World Wide Web</em> (New York: Palgrave, 2001), xi-xii.[/ref] I don’t want to make a straw-man out of McGann’s powerful insight, but I can’t help but take issue with his claim that the “sorting” of texts will not aid us in our goal of using digital technology to explore and explain aesthetic works. Before a digital tool of any kind can work with a text in any way, the elements of that text must be sorted, classified, and categorized according to a schema that the computer will understand. This is not to say that scholars in the digital humanities should put aside their text visualization projects and their geo-spatial analyses in order to do the Dewey Decimal system one better, but rather that the foundational tasks of organizing and classifying should more completely theorized and more intimately woven into the fabric of digital scholarship.\r\n\r\nBy attending to the tedium of taxonomy we may begin to feel like nineteenth-century scriveners rather than twenty-first century techies. Like those scriveners of old, we may prefer not to spend our time with such mundane things. Nevertheless, if we wish to generate the kinds of “wild and unpredictable intersections of . . . data” that “makes scholarship invigoratingly fun” we should embrace what actually promises to be a fascinating conversation about the history of taxonomy, structure, classification, and form. This conversation will take us through the Library of Alexandria, the Great Chain of Being, medieval bestiaries, Wunderkammer, the Mundaneum, the Six Degrees of Kevin Bacon, cryptography, tarot cards, and Vannevar Bush’s Memex. Every time we tag, code, or classify a text for a digital archive, we are participating in the long history of human classification systems. The better able we are to understand that history and to situate ourselves within it, the better understanding we will have of our digital archives and what they can do.','The Walt Whitman Archive - Question 4','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery to...','inherit','open','open','','144-revision-22','','','2012-02-15 06:55:31','2012-02-15 06:55:31','',144,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/144-revision-22/',0,'revision','',0),(1493,13,'2012-02-15 06:56:18','2012-02-15 06:56:18','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery tool for exploring what he calls “the wild and unpredictable intersections of the data that the interface allows us to generate.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Database as Genre: The Epic Transformation of Archives,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1609-10.[/ref] The prospect of having the Archive uncover meaningful relationships between texts is, indeed, an exciting one. As Jonathan Freedman notes, the “ability to link heterogeneous subjects and find once-occulted connections and interconnections makes scholarship invigoratingly fun.”[ref]Jonathan Freedman, “Whitman, Database, Information Culture,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1597.[/ref] As a frequent user of the Whitman Archive, I’ve experienced this “invigorating fun” first-hand, and I look forward to the Archive including more texts by and about Whitman, and incorporating more discovery tools like Brian Pytlik Zillig’s <a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/resources/tools/index.html\">TokenX</a>.\r\n\r\nAs someone working on digital humanities projects of my own, however, I’m as interested in understanding what it takes to create such tools for discovery as I am the end-user experience of having digital tools make “unpredictable” and “invigorating” discoveries on my behalf. For the remainder of this essay, I’m going to share some thoughts on what has to happen on the back end of a digital project in order to make an otherwise rigorously structured digital artifact feel “wild and unpredictable” to its users. I’ll start with Kenneth M. Price’s description of the necessary labor that goes into structuring data such that it will yield surprising results for end users: \"A database is not an undifferentiated sea of information out of which structure emerges,” Price writes. “Argument is always there from the beginning in how those constructing a database choose to categorize information.\"[ref]Price, “Edition.”[/ref] To an end user who searches a database and finds an interesting juxtaposition between a handful of the hundreds (or thousands) of total documents on that database, it can seem as if those documents have emerged out of “an undifferentiated sea of information.” The reality, however, is far different.\r\n\r\nWhen Price alludes to the process that the creators of a database go through as they decide how to “categorize information,” he makes it clear that whenever a user generates a surprising set of juxtapositions between documents it is because someone, somewhere, at some point, has meticulously categorized those documents in such a way that a search engine (or other text analysis tool) will be able to process those documents in a meaningful way. Jerome McGann, who has also commented on the rigorous process of structuring data that is required to create a digital archive, writes that “databases and all digital instruments require the most severe kinds of categorical forms. The power of database—of digital instruments in general—rests in its ability to draw sharp, disambiguated distinctions.”[ref]Jerome McGann, “Database, Interface, and Archival Fever,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007): 1590.[/ref] As both Price and McGann indicate, what can feel like a surprising juxtaposition for the end user has, to a certain extent, already been determined in advance through a time- and labor-intensive process of marking-up, encoding, or otherwise categorizing data.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that those who structure the data for a digital archive have already anticipated every possible search string that users could ever imagine. On the contrary, what interests me as both the user and the creator of digital archives is the effect by which this “sharp, disambiguated” structuring of data can, indeed, produce juxtapositions that archivists could never have predicted. The fundamental preconditions for cultivating such serendipitous discoveries, it seems to me, are a large enough data set and a sufficiently intelligent schema for categorizing that data (not to mention the time, money, software, hardware, human resources, and expertise required to process and categorize the data in the first place).\r\n\r\nAllow me to cite an example from outside the realm of digital archiving to illustrate what’s involved in structuring data that yields serendipitous juxtapositions. Pandora Radio is an Internet music service whose goal is to create customized, online radio stations for its users. This customization is based on the work of the Music Genome Project, which has categorized the musical attributes of thousands of different songs. Taking into consideration “everything from melody, harmony and rhythm, to instrumentation, orchestration, arrangement, lyrics, and . . . singing and vocal harmony,” the Music Genome Project assigns anywhere between 150 and 400 different descriptors to a single song. These descriptors are based on both objective criteria such as the types of instruments used in the song or whether the song is in a major or a minor key, as well as more subjective criteria such as whether or not a song features “Acoustic Sonority,” “Prevalent Use of Groove,” or a “Wet Recording Sound.\"[ref]“The Music Genome Project,” Pandora Radio, accessed December 2, 2010 <a href=\"http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml\">http://www.pandora.com/mgp.shtml</a>.[/ref] (These descriptors are referred to as musical “genes,” but they could just as easily be called metadata or tags.) Visitors to Pandora Radio type in the name of a song that they like, and then based on the attributes that have been pre-assigned to that song, Pandora will play other songs with similar attributes. The promise of Pandora is that once a database of songs is categorized according to a controlled vocabulary capable of being processed by a computer, listeners will be pleasantly surprised to discover songs that they never knew they already liked. (These songs are, of course, available for purchase so that no serendipitous discovery goes un-capitalized.)\r\n\r\nI cite this example within the context of the Whitman Archive not necessarily because Pandora Radio provides a model for digital scholarship of nineteenth-century literature, but because the process of categorizing songs for the Music Genome Project is remarkably similar to the archivist’s effort of structuring data in such a way that it can produce surprising results for the end user. For both Pandora and the Whitman Archive, then, the goal is to reach the tipping point where methodical structuring becomes unexpected discovery, where the left hand doesn’t know what the right hand is doing and structured data takes on forms that the structure-ers never quite imagined. I like to think that this tipping point where structure yields serendipity is similar to the moment in a fractal pattern where geometry becomes art, the moment where a rigorous, mathematically defined structure takes on an aesthetic quality that was never explicitly intended by the mathematical code that undergirds it, but that is nevertheless absolutely dependent upon that code for its very existence.\r\n\r\nMy hope as both the user and creator of digital archives is that we can come to a better understanding of the processes of classification and naming that are involved in these efforts structure data in meaningful ways. Scholars of literature are already comfortable thinking about the power of language to represent—and even create—the world around us. We already have at our disposal a variety of theoretical apparatuses for thinking about the power of language to name and define the world, from the formalism of the New Critics to the semiotics of the Post-Structuralists and even the focus on the materiality of language in Book History scholarship. What we need to add to this list of theories and methodologies is a more sophisticated understanding of taxonomy and categorization. This will not only require an interdisciplinary rendezvous with librarians and scholars of information architecture, but it will also demand that we do the cultural history of such seemingly mundane phenomena as filing cabinets and accounting ledgers. Compared to the work being done by digital humanities scholars in the areas of data visualization, text mining, social networking, and geo-spatial analysis, studying the history of cataloging, sorting, and organizing seems to be the intellectual equivalent of a trip to Target to buy hard-plastic storage bins when you’d rather be at the Apple Store picking up an iPad. Nevertheless, everything that we want digital technology to do to help us better understand literary texts depends upon our ability to properly name, sort, and categorize the information that we put into a computer. We do ourselves a disservice to ignore or even minimize this crucial stage of the process.\r\n\r\nOne of the most frequently quoted statements about the future of digital scholarship in the humanities comes from Jerome McGann, who wrote that “the digital technology used by humanities scholars has focused almost exclusively on methods of sorting, accessing, and disseminating large bodies of materials. In this respect the work has not engaged the central questions and concerns of the [humanities, which is] . . . . the exploration and explanation of aesthetic works.”[ref]Jerome McGann, <em>Radiant Textuality: Literature after the World Wide Web</em> (New York: Palgrave, 2001), xi-xii.[/ref] I don’t want to make a straw-man out of McGann’s powerful insight, but I can’t help but take issue with his claim that the “sorting” of texts will not aid us in our goal of using digital technology to explore and explain aesthetic works. Before a digital tool of any kind can work with a text in any way, the elements of that text must be sorted, classified, and categorized according to a schema that the computer will understand. This is not to say that scholars in the digital humanities should put aside their text visualization projects and their geo-spatial analyses in order to do the Dewey Decimal system one better, but rather that the foundational tasks of organizing and classifying should more completely theorized and more intimately woven into the fabric of digital scholarship.\r\n\r\nBy attending to the tedium of taxonomy we may begin to feel like nineteenth-century scriveners rather than twenty-first century techies. Like those scriveners of old, we may prefer not to spend our time with such mundane things. Nevertheless, if we wish to generate the kinds of “wild and unpredictable intersections of . . . data” that “makes scholarship invigoratingly fun” we should embrace what actually promises to be a fascinating conversation about the history of taxonomy, structure, classification, and form. This conversation will take us through the Library of Alexandria, the Great Chain of Being, medieval bestiaries, Wunderkammer, the Mundaneum, the Six Degrees of Kevin Bacon, cryptography, tarot cards, and Vannevar Bush’s Memex. Every time we tag, code, or classify a text for a digital archive, we are participating in the long history of human classification systems. The better able we are to understand that history and to situate ourselves within it, the better understanding we will have of our digital archives and what they can do.','The Walt Whitman Archive - Whitley  4','Ed Folsom has written that one of the goals of the Whitman Archive is to “grow the database so that the surprises of searching and juxtaposing will become richer and more frequent.\" Folsom’s vision is that the Whitman Archive will become not only a centralized repository for all of Whitman’s texts, but also a discovery to...','inherit','open','open','','144-revision-23','','','2012-02-15 06:56:18','2012-02-15 06:56:18','',144,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/144-revision-23/',0,'revision','',0),(1494,13,'2012-02-15 06:56:12','2012-02-15 06:56:12','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors. In such an environment, Folsom writes, “All users are potential co-editors.”[ref]Ed Folsom, “Projecting Whitman: The Evolution and Remediation of The Collected Writings of Walt Whitman,” <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00003.html.[/ref] I love the notion that everyone is a “potential co-editor” of the Whitman Archive, and I\'d like to consider how the Archive could make better use of its digital form as a way to more fully realize this potential. I would never advocate for crowd-sourcing the Archive on the model of sites like Wikipedia, but I would like the Archive directors to take more seriously the implication that “All users are potential co-editors.”\r\n\r\nI have a tremendous amount of respect for how the Archive directors have responded to public criticisms from other scholars. In a 2007 <em>PMLA</em> forum on the Whitman Archive, for example, Meredith McGill took the Archive to task for decontextualizing the poems that Whitman had published in newspapers and magazines by clipping the poems from their original sources and excluding all the other articles, poems, and advertisements that appeared alongside Whitman’s poems.[ref]Meredith L. McGill, “Remediating Whitman,” <em>PMLA</em> 112.5 (2007):1594.[/ref] The Archive promptly responded to this criticism by including the entire page of the periodical where a Whitman poem appeared. But not every user of the Whitman Archive can get the attention of the Archive directors in the pages of <em>PMLA</em>. And even those fortunate enough to do so don\'t have a mechanism for providing additional feedback to the Archive directors regarding their response to suggestions for improvement. I wonder, does McGill think it was sufficient to include the complete newspaper page where a Whitman poem appeared, or would she rather that the Archive include the rest of the issue is well? Or would she even prefer a link to some external site that hosts the entire run of the paper?\r\n\r\nThe Archive could make better use of its digital form by providing “user accounts or other community-hosting capabilities,” as Matt Cohen has recently suggested.[ref]Cohen, “Design and Politics,” 241.[/ref]Integrating Web 2.0 components such as user accounts and a comment section to the Whitman Archive would have considerable implications for the Archive: while a comments section would give scholars such as McGill a much more dynamic venue for engaging with the Archive\'s directors, it would also make the Archive feel less like a scholarly edition of Whitman\'s works and more like a Facebook fan page. Nevertheless, Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has already said that “scholarly edition” doesn\'t necessarily describe what the Whitman Archive actually is. Instead, Price has characterized the Archive as something more like a workshop, or, as he puts it, a “group of people who are now joined together for a common purpose.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price, \"Edition, Project, Database, Archive, Thematic Research Collection: What\'s in a Name?\" <em>The Walt Whitman Archive</em>, accessed December 2, 2010 http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00346.html.[/ref] If that group of people could also include the hundreds (if not thousands) of scholars, students, and non-academic readers who visit the Archive every day, it would not only make better use of the digital medium, but it would also go some distance toward fulfilling Folsom\'s claim that “All users are potential co-editors.”','The Walt Whitman Archive - Whitley  3','Archive co-director Ed Folsom once noted that printed editions of Whitman’s works have had the unfortunate tendency of becoming irrelevant the moment that scholars unearth a new letter, manuscript, or biographical fact about the poet. The Whitman Archive, however, has the benefit of being able to change and adapt as often as new discoveries are brought to the attention of the directors.','inherit','open','open','','142-revision-18','','','2012-02-15 06:56:12','2012-02-15 06:56:12','',142,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/142-revision-18/',0,'revision','',0),(1495,13,'2012-02-15 06:55:59','2012-02-15 06:55:59','I would like to see the Whitman Archive make more transparent the choices that go into deciding how texts are marked-up and encoded. Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has written that the “ongoing decision-making” regarding the mark-up of texts on the Archive is “interpretive rather than mechanical,” and that this interpretive coding “adds intelligence to an electronic text . . . mak[ing] it robust and illuminating as a tool for analysis.”[ref]Kenneth M. Price,\"\'Debris,\' Creative Scatter, and the Challenges of Editing Whitman,\" in <em>Walt Whitman, Where the Future Becomes Present</em>, ed. David Haven Blake and Michael Robertson (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2008), 67.[/ref] I admire Price’s forthright admission that marking-up a text for the digital medium is not merely a change in format, but an act of interpretation. As someone who visits the Whitman Archive on a regular basis, I’d like to have a clearer sense of what kinds of decisions—and, therefore, interpretations—are being made as texts are digitally encoded, and, specifically, what those decisions reveal about the textual condition of Whitman’s works.\r\n\r\nThis request is not based in a suspicion of any kind that the Archive directors are placing a biased interpretation onto Whitman’s poetry as they encode it for presentation on the Archive; rather, my request is based in a desire to following along on the process of discovery that Matt Cohen describes as an integral part of digital encoding: “As a student in the 1990s, doing transcription and basic encoding of Whitman documents, I learned a lot about textual structures that I had not encountered in seminars; when discussing these observations with the project directors, sometimes new areas of concern or future development would emerge.”[ref]Matt Cohen, “Design and Politics in Electronic American Literary Archives,” in <em>The American Literature Scholar in the Digital Age</em>, ed. Amy Earhart and Andrew Jewell (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011), 233.[/ref] The Archive is already a valuable resource for gaining access to Whitman’s works; it can also be a resource for learning about how Whitman constructed his texts in manuscript and in print by eavesdropping on the process by which these texts are reconstructed for the digital medium.\r\n\r\nDirectors and editors at the Archive have already begun to provide the kind of running commentary on the encoding process that I would like to see more of. Brett Barney, the Senior Associate Editor of the Archive, has written an insightful essay about his encoding the 1867 edition of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> that is available on the Archive, and both Price and Folsom have published, in a number of different venues, provocative essays that detail the lessons about textuality that they have learned from preparing texts for the Archive.[ref]Brett Barney, \"‘Each Part and Tag of Me is a Miracle: Reflections after Tagging the 1867 Leaves of Grass,” <em>The <em>Walt Whitman Archive, </em></em><em>accessed December 2, 2010 </em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00002.html\">http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/anc.00002.html</a>. Additional essay by Folsom and Price are also available at http://www.whitmanarchive.org/about/articles/index.html.[/ref] Currently, the Whitman Archive makes available the TEI-encoded XML source files for the major texts on the Archive as well as the Archive’s encoding guidelines and related DTD files. As much as I value this peek into the inner workings of the Archive, the process by which these XML files are created—the “ongoing decision-making” Price refers to—is as important as the product itself. The Archive could benefit from more self-reflexive commentaries on the encoding process, perhaps using Barney’s essay as a model. The recently added <a href=\"http://wwa-changelog.blogspot.com/\">WWA-Changelog</a>—a blog connected to the Archive that details the changes that editors make to files once they are posted online—could provide a model for how such commentaries could be more fully integrated into the experience of working with the Archive.','The Walt Whitman Archive - Whitley 2','I would like to see the Whitman Archive make more transparent the choices that go into deciding how texts are marked-up and encoded. Archive co-director Kenneth M. Price has written that the “ongoing decision-making” regarding the mark-up of texts on the Archive is “interpretive rather than mechanical,” and that this interpretive coding...','inherit','open','open','','140-revision-14','','','2012-02-15 06:55:59','2012-02-15 06:55:59','',140,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/140-revision-14/',0,'revision','',0),(1496,13,'2012-02-15 06:56:05','2012-02-15 06:56:05','From my perspective as a scholar, the greatest strength of the Whitman Archive is that it provides free and open access to the essential texts for studying the life and work of Walt Whitman. I’ve consulted the Whitman Archive every time I’ve ever written about Whitman, whether it’s to check the precise wording of a text, to follow the life cycle of a poem as it moves from manuscript to print and on through the various editions of <em>Leaves of Grass</em>, to identify the location of a primary document in a brick-and-mortar archive, to read nineteenth-century reviews of Whitman’s writing, or to search the Archive’s exhaustive database of Whitman scholarship. Using the Whitman Archive is like having immediate access to shelves and shelves worth of valuable (and often expensive) books.\r\n\r\nWhen I was a graduate student I burned through a toner cartridge printing out page images of the antebellum editions of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> from the Whitman Archive. The poems in these early editions went through radical revisions from one edition of <em>Leaves of Grass</em> to the next, and I really needed to get to know these poems in order to make the argument I was making in my dissertation about Whitman’s antebellum period. Being able to access these poems in various states gave me a much better sense of Whitman’s pre-Civil War career than the variorum of <em>Leaves of Grass</em>—with its decontextualized snippets from the antebellum editions—was able to give me.\r\n\r\nI’ve also recently learned that the Whitman Archive is more than just a repository of raw materials that scholars can mine for the resources we need to tell our stories about Whitman’s life and work; rather, the Archive is a storyteller in its own right. Here’s an example: <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden,</em> the multi-volume collection of Whitman’s conversations with his friend Horace Trauble, was not yet available on the Archive when I was writing an essay a few years ago about Elizabeth Porter Gould, the editor of a gift-book edition of Whitman’s poems called <em>Gems from Walt Whitman</em> (1889). Without the benefit of a searchable, digital edition of <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden</em> I had to find references to Gould the old-fashioned way: cribbing from Ed Folsom’s footnotes—and, of course, slogging through the poorly indexed volumes themselves. Since I published the essay, however, I’ve had the opportunity to search for Gould in the Archive’s edition of <em>With Walt Whitman in Camden</em>, and the effect of having the Archive’s search engine generate a list of these references had a remarkable impact on me. The essay that I had written demanded a certain amount of focus in order to make the argument about gender and authorship that I wanted to make, and I was always left with a touch of regret that I never had the chance to unfold the fascinating relationship between Whitman and Gould as fully as I would have liked. Opening up different tabs in my browser to read each of these references on the Whitman Archive, however, allowed me to track the progress of their relationship as they negotiated their competing goals for what <em>Gems from Walt Whitman </em>should be. I’m proud of the story that I was able to tell about Whitman and Gould, but I’m also glad to know that the Whitman Archive can tell that story another way.','The Walt Whitman Archive – Whitley  1','From my perspective as a scholar, the greatest strength of the Whitman Archive is that it provides free and open access to the essential texts for studying the life and work of Walt Whitman. I’ve consulted the Whitman Archive every time I’ve ever written about Whitman, whether it’s to check the precise wording of a text, to follow the life cycle of a poem...','inherit','open','open','','138-revision-15','','','2012-02-15 06:56:05','2012-02-15 06:56:05','',138,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/138-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1497,13,'2012-02-15 06:48:10','2012-02-15 06:48:10','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-14','','','2012-02-15 06:48:10','2012-02-15 06:48:10','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-14/',0,'revision','',0),(1498,13,'2012-02-15 07:45:37','2012-02-15 07:45:37','In this issue, five contributors critique and analyze <em><a href=\"http://www.whitmanarchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\">The Walt Whitman Archive</a></em> by answering four questions about this digital archive. We invite you to read through the roundtable by question or by author.','The Walt Whitman Archive','','inherit','open','open','','336-revision-15','','','2012-02-15 07:45:37','2012-02-15 07:45:37','',336,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/336-revision-15/',0,'revision','',0),(1503,13,'2012-02-16 08:25:39','2012-02-16 08:25:39','','Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English and the Journey to The Vodou Archive','','inherit','open','open','','1500-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:25:39','2012-02-16 08:25:39','',1500,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1500-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1523,13,'2012-02-16 20:07:47','2012-02-16 20:07:47','','Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole','','inherit','open','open','','1500-revision-5','','','2012-02-16 20:07:47','2012-02-16 20:07:47','',1500,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1500-revision-5/',0,'revision','',0),(1522,13,'2012-02-16 20:05:22','2012-02-16 20:05:22','','Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English and the Journey to The Vodou Archive','','inherit','open','open','','1500-revision-4','','','2012-02-16 20:05:22','2012-02-16 20:05:22','',1500,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1500-revision-4/',0,'revision','',0),(1504,13,'2012-02-16 08:30:41','2012-02-16 08:30:41','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is a collaborative partnership spearheaded by the University of Florida and Duke University that seeks to improve the understanding of a central Haitian and Haitian-American spiritual tradition by gathering the audiovisual and textual sources of Vodou communities, interpreting what we collect, expanding the holdings through a self-submission tool, and diffusing the knowledge via an open access digital library.  You can find the current prototype here &lt;<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/vodou\">http://www.dloc.com/vodou</a>&gt;,  hosted within the existing <a href=\"http://dloc.com/\">Digital Library of the Caribbean</a> (dLOC). In addition to the twenty-seven international partners working with the Digital Library of the Caribbean, collaborators from the University of Notre Dame, the University of Miami, the Schrijversvakschool, Florida International University, the Université des Antilles et de la Guyane, and City Lore, among others, will contribute elements to <em>The Vodou Archive</em>. This project belongs to a tradition of scholarly work stretching back to the early twentieth century that has sought to counter reductionist and racist visions of the religion through ethnography, analysis of culture and music, and an exploration of the role of Vodou in Haiti’s founding revolution. Such work has long turned to the central texts in Haitian Vodou: its Creole-language songs.\r\n\r\nBuilding on my book, <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>,<sup><a href=\"#_ftn1\">[1]</a></sup> <em>The Vodou Archive</em> project makes these songs available in Haitian Creole and English, along with substantial interpretative annotations and essays to contextualize the collection. The edited and curated materials in <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are of major literary, historical, cultural, and religious significance. The vast Vodou corpus stands out because it preserves a wealth of African cultural, ethnological, and historical knowledge.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn2\">[2]</a></sup> The oral and textual corpora of songs are comprised of the authentic and living traditions of the Vodou religion. They are primarily sung in the context of Vodou worship in public and domestic ceremonies, and they constitute the sacred literature of the religion. Vodou songs, a constant in ceremonies, address the mythologies and characteristics of the religion: Bondye (God), the Marasa (the Divine Twins), the lwa (spirits), and the dantan (ancestors), as well as their relations with humans and nature. Vodou songs are time capsules that reveal the history and origins of the Haitian people in Africa, their journey to the Americas in the French slave trade, and their lives in the French colony. Due to their sacred nature, they arewell-preserved records of African and Haitian history and culture.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn3\">[3]</a></sup> Ceremonies and songs preserve African historical (i.e. <em>Bosou, Achade, Legba, Danbala, Simbi, Ayizan</em>), cultural (i.e. <em>lwa, ounsi, ason, oungan, manbo</em>) and geographical (i.e.<em> Rada, Savalou, Boumba</em>) terms in a creolized or blended religious and cultural system.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn4\">[4]</a></sup> Likewise, there are numerous Vodou ceremonies (rites) classified by the African <em>nanchon</em> (nations/communities) where they originate, such as Rada, Petwo, Ginen, Seneka, Ibo, Danwonmen, Nago, Kongo, Kita, etc.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn5\">[5]</a></sup>\r\n\r\nUndergraduates played, and will play, a key role in this archive.  They contributed first drafts of transcriptions and translations of Vodou songs and interviews with Vodou practitioners for the book, <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>. The undergraduate students worked on transcribing and translating interviews that I collected from Vodou priests in Haiti and they also transcribed and translated rare pre-existing published materials.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn6\">[6]</a></sup>  The students, Joanne Bartley, Vanessa Brissault, Kat Warwick, Wilmide Vernet, and Musset Apollon, were either paid hourly through grant funding or they earned credit for an independent study. We worked from manuscripts that employ a range of Haitian Creole spelling systems. The official variety, the “IPN,” named after the <em>Institut Pédagogique National</em>, was adopted for the first time in 1980. Many of our manuscripts predate 1980 and thus transcription required heavy correction and consultation with lexicographical works.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn7\">[7]</a></sup> The students had been exposed to the official variety of Haitian Creole spelling in my intermediate Haitian Creole course. After establishing the Haitian Creole source text, the students produced the first draft of the English translation. Then I corrected the Haitian Creole and English drafts in various cycles as the materials moved towards the finished products, either the book or <em>The Vodou Archive</em>.  (See Figure 1, and for the related Vodou Archive digital library, Figures 2 &amp; 3.)<span class=\"caption\" style=\"width: 166px; margin-bottom: 20px;\"><a href=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig1.jpg\"><img class=\"size-medium wp-image-2358\" style=\"margin-bottom: 10px; margin-right: 10px;\" title=\"hebbelthwaite_fig1\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig1-166x250.jpg\" alt=\"Figure 1\" width=\"166\" height=\"250\" /></a> Figure 1: The book cover of<em> Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>.</span>\r\n\r\n<span class=\"caption left\" style=\"margin-right: 20px; width: 266px; clear: none;\"><a href=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig2.jpg\"><img class=\" wp-image-2359\" style=\"margin-bottom: 10px;\" title=\"hebbelthwaite_fig2\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig2-333x208.jpg\" alt=\"Figure 2\" width=\"266\" height=\"166\" /></a> Figure 2: The homepage of the Vodou Archive.</span><span class=\"caption left\" style=\"margin-right: 10px; width: 266px; clear: none;\"><a href=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig3.jpg\"><img class=\" wp-image-2360\" style=\"margin-bottom: 10px; clear: right;\" title=\"hebbelthwaite_fig3\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/hebbelthwaite_fig3-333x208.jpg\" alt=\"Figure 3\" width=\"266\" height=\"166\" /></a> Figure 3: This screen shot presents the view inside of the Vodou Archive with the filter menu for narrowing results on the left hand side of the screen.</span>\r\n<div class=\"footnotes\">\r\n<div id=\"_ftn1\" class=\"footnote\">[1] Benjamin Hebblethwaite and Joanne Bartley, <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English </em> <em>= Chante vodou an kreyòl ayisyen ak angle</em> (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2012).</div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn2\" class=\"footnote\">[2] Max Beauvoir, <em>Le Grand Recueil Sacré ou Répertoire des Chansons du Vodou Haïtien </em>(Port-au-Prince: Edisyon Près Nasyonal d Ayiti, 2008).</div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn3\" class=\"footnote\">[3] Claudine Michel, “Vodou in Haiti: Way of Life and Mode of Survival,” in <em>Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, </em>ed. Claudine Michel and Patrick Bellegarde-Smith (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 27–37.<em></em></div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn4\" class=\"footnote\">[4] See Roger Brand, <em>Cultes vodoun et textes oraux des Wéménou du sud Bénin </em>(Munich: Lincom Europa, 2000); Brand, <em>Ethnographie et vocabulaire religieux des cultes vodoun </em>(Munich: Lincom Europa, 2000); Marc Monsia, <em>Religions indigènes et savoir endogène au Bénin </em>(Cotonou, Benin: Les Éditions du Flamboyant, 2003); Gilbert Rouget, <em>La musique et la transe </em>(Paris: Gallimard, 1991 [1980]); and Gilbert Rouget, <em>Initiatique vôdoun, images du rituel: Chants et danses initiatiques pour le culte des vôdoun au Bénin </em>(Saint-Maur, France: Éditions Sépia, 2001), v.</div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn5\" class=\"footnote\">[5] Max G. Beauvoir, <em>Lapriyè Ginen </em>(Port-au-Prince: Edisyon Près Nasyonal d Ayiti. 2008), 109-110.</div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn6\" class=\"footnote\">[6] Milo Marcelin, <em>Mythologie Vodou (Rite Arada)</em>,<em> </em>2 vols. (Pétionville: Éditions Canapé Vert, 1950); Laura Boulton, “Laura Boulton’s Songs” (1947), in <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English = Chante vodou an kreyòl ayisyen ak angle</em>, eds. Benjamin Hebblethwaite and Joanne Bartley (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2012), 127-145;  J.L., “J.L. Songs,” in <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>,<em> </em>147-184; Harold Courlander, unpublished manuscript (1939–1940), University of Michigan Special Collections Library; Milo Rigaud, <em>La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien: Son temple, ses mystères, sa magie </em>(Paris: Éditions Niclaus, 1953).</div>\r\n<div id=\"_ftn7\" class=\"footnote\">[7] Albert Valdman, Iskra Iskrova, Jacques Pierre, and Nicolas André, <em>Haitian Creole-English Bilingual Dictionary</em> (Bloomington, IN: Creole Institute, 2007); Bryant Freeman and Jowel Laguerre, <em>Haitian-English Dictionary</em>, 5th ed. (Lawrence, KS: Institute of Haitian Studies, 2004).</div>\r\n</div>','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 1','The Vodou Archive is a collaborative partnership spearheaded by the University of Florida and Duke University which seeks to improve the understanding of a central Haitian and Haitian-American spiritual tradition by gathering the audiovisual and textual sources of Vodou communities, interpreting what we collect, expanding the holdings through a self-submission tool, and diffusing the knowledge via an open access digital library.  ','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-hebblethwaite-1','','','2012-11-29 05:20:31','2012-11-29 05:20:31','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1504',32,'post','',0),(1995,19,'2012-08-28 05:05:50','2012-08-28 05:05:50','<em><img class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-1223\" title=\"szerba\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/szerba.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"120\" height=\"160\" />Sczerba worked closely with the course instructors, Elizabeth Rodini and Ben Tilghman, to develop and refine the Google Earth tools and to train students in building tours.</em>\r\n\r\n<strong>1. Describe your role in this project.</strong>\r\n\r\nI work for a faculty support center at Johns Hopkins University called the Center for Educational Resources (CER). As the center’s multimedia developer, I aided Elizabeth Rodini and Ben Tilghman with the technical and logistical aspects of the project. This included determining a viable technology for the project tours and developing resource guides that aided students’ tour creation.\r\n\r\n<strong>2. What tasks did you perform at various stages of the project?</strong>\r\nInitially we had to find a program that would be available freely (both in access and cost) for students to use with a relatively low learning curve. We selected Google Earth because it allows tour creation with rich media and text mapped to the earth, and it is free to download on PCs and Macs. I then created a template tour, set up with pre-made placemarks as a starting point for the students, and content layout templates for the appearance of the tour’s placemarks. After those two resources were set, I needed to create a well-written and comprehensible workflow. I chose to create both a visual and textual workflow to clearly express what actions needed to happen and at what stages. The final step was to present this workflow to the students in a training workshop so that they could see how it all came together and do it themselves.\r\n\r\n<strong>3. What sorts of interactions did you have with faculty, students, and other members of the project community over the course of the project?</strong>\r\nI met with Elizabeth Rodini and Ben Tilghman initially to gather the project’s requirements, then later to introduce them to the proposed solution. One of my colleagues from the CER also joined these meetings to offer ideas. I was also available by e-mail to answer questions as they came up, especially during the process of approving the workflow, as it needed to be as simple as possible to follow. I also held a training workshop for the students with Professor Rodini. I continued to be available for questions by e-mail as the students worked on their projects.\r\n\r\n<strong>4. What particular challenges did this project present?</strong>\r\nThis project required that every placemark on a tour include images at that location. The only way to do this in Google Earth was to code it yourself. Certain aspects of using Google Earth were easy to master, but customizing the appearance of the placemarks requires HTML programming knowledge. Despite the fact that most students nowadays have grown up with the Internet, we have found that very few know how to use HTML. Our solution utilized an online HTML editor that had a prebuilt HTML template loaded in it. When the students were ready to create the content for their placemarks, they simply copied the content from a Word document and then pasted it in the HTML editor to generate the code. The students pasted that code into their Google Earth placemark, circumventing the need for them to learn HTML.\r\n\r\n<strong>5. What lessons did you learn from this project and what might you do differently in the future?</strong>\r\n\r\nA more ideal solution may have been to create an application that would generate the tours without using Google Earth. This would have taken more time and resources to build than we had, but it could have been a useful application for other courses as well. It was disappointing to realize that Google Earth did not have an HMTL editor built in, and that there was no application that could suit our needs at the time. Perhaps when this course is offered again, there will be an ideal solution available to allow students to create tours and focus on the content rather than the technology. If not, then perhaps we will have the time to build one ourselves and share it.','Reid Sczerba - Commentary','I work for a faculty support center at Johns Hopkins University called the Center for Educational Resources (CER). As the center’s multimedia developer, I aided Elizabeth Rodini and Ben Tilghman with the technical and logistical aspects of the project. This included determining a viable technology for the project tours and developing resource guides that aided students’ tour creation.','inherit','open','open','','1123-revision-12','','','2012-08-28 05:05:50','2012-08-28 05:05:50','',1123,'http://www.archivejournal.net/issue/2/uncategorized/1123-revision-12/',0,'revision','',0),(1705,13,'2012-03-01 23:02:42','2012-03-01 23:02:42','[slideshow]','Lehigh - Archival Materials','','inherit','open','open','','1387-revision-25','','','2012-03-01 23:02:42','2012-03-01 23:02:42','',1387,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1387-revision-25/',0,'revision','',0),(1704,13,'2012-03-06 20:11:31','2012-03-06 20:11:31','<iframe src=\"http://player.vimeo.com/video/37986760?title=0&amp;byline=0&amp;portrait=0\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\"></iframe>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"http://vimeo.com/37986760\">The Development of Masculinity</a> from <a href=\"http://vimeo.com/user10713944\">Archive Journal</a> on <a href=\"http://vimeo.com\">Vimeo</a>.','The Development of Masculinity','','inherit','open','open','','1698-revision-3','','','2012-03-06 20:11:31','2012-03-06 20:11:31','',1698,'http://www.archivejournal.net/uncategorized/1698-revision-3/',0,'revision','',0),(1506,13,'2012-02-16 08:30:17','2012-02-16 08:30:17','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is a collaborative partnership spearheaded by the University of Florida and Duke University which seeks to improve the understanding of a central Haitian and Haitian-American spiritual tradition by gathering the <strong>audiovisual</strong> and <strong>textual</strong> sources of Vodou communities, by <strong>interpreting</strong> what we collect, by <strong>expanding </strong>the holdings through a <strong>self-submission tool</strong>, and by diffusing the knowledge via an open access digital library.  You can find the current prototype here (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/vodou\">http://www.dloc.com/vodou</a>),  hosted within the existing <a href=\"http://dloc.com/\">Digital Library of the Caribbean</a> (dLOC). In addition to the 27 international partners working with the Digital Library of the Caribbean, collaborators from the University of Notre Dame, the University of Miami, the Schrijversvakschool, Florida International University, the Université des Antilles et de la Guyane, and City Lore, among others, will contribute elements to <strong><em>The Vodou Archive</em></strong>. This project belongs to a tradition of scholarly work stretching back to the early 20<sup>th</sup> century that has sought to counter reductionist and racist visions of the religion through ethnography, analysis of culture and music, and an exploration of the role of Vodou in Haiti’s founding revolution. Such work has long turned to the central texts in Haitian Vodou: its <strong>Creole-language songs</strong>.\n\nBuilding on my <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>,<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn1\">[1]</a> <em>The Vodou Archive</em> project makes these songs available in Haitian Creole and English along with substantial interpretative annotations and essays to contextualize the collection. The materials to be edited and curated in <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are of major literary, historical, cultural and religious significance. The vast Vodou corpus stands out because it preserves a wealth of African cultural, ethnological and historical knowledge.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn2\">[2]</a> (Beauvoir 2008b). The oral and textual corpora of songs are comprised of the authentic and living traditions of the Vodou religion. They are primarily the songs that are sung in the context of Vodou worship in public and domestic ceremonies and they constitute the sacred literature of the religion. Vodou songs, a constant in ceremonies, address the mythologies and characteristics of the lwa and they describe their relations with humans. Vodou songs are time capsules that reveal the history and origins of the Haitian people in Africa, their journey to the Americas in the French slave trade, and their lives in the French colony. Due to their sacred nature, they are very well-preserved records of African and Haitian history and culture.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn3\">[3]</a>). Ceremonies and songs preserve African historical (i.e. <em>Bosou</em>, <em>Achade</em>, <em>Legba</em>, <em>Danbala</em>), cultural (i.e. <em>lwa</em>,<em> ounsi</em>, <em>ason</em>,<em> oungan</em>) and geographical (i.e. <em>Rada</em>, <em>Savalou</em>, <em>Boumba</em>) terms in a creolized or blended religious and cultural system.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn4\">[4]</a> <a href=\"#_msocom_1\">[C1]</a> Likewise, there are numerous Vodou ceremonies (rites) classified by the African <em>nanchon </em>(nations/communities) where they originate, i.e. Rada, Petwo, Ginen, Seneka, Ibo, Danwonmen, Nago, Kongo, Kita, etc.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn5\">[5]</a>\n\nUndergraduates played, and will play, a key role in this archive.  They contributed first drafts of transcriptions and translations of Vodou songs and interviews with Vodou practitioners for the book, <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> (Hebblethwaite 2012). The undergraduate students worked on transcribing and translating interviews that I collected from Vodou priests in Haiti and they also transcribed and translated rare pre-existing published materials.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn6\">[6]</a>   The students, Joanne Bartley, Vanessa Brissault, Kat Warwick, Wilmide Vernet, and Musset Apollon, were either paid hourly through grant funding or they earned credit for an independent study. We worked from manuscripts that employ a range of Haitian Creole spelling systems. The official variety, the “IPN,” named after the <em>Institut Pédagogique National</em>, was adopted for the first time in 1980. Many of our manuscripts predate 1980 and thus transcription required heavy correction and consultation with lexicographical works.<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftn7\">[7]</a>The students had been exposed to the official variety of Haitian Creole spelling in my intermediate Haitian Creole course. After establishing the Haitian Creole source text, the students next produced the first draft of the English translation. I then corrected the Haitian Creole and English drafts in various cycles as the materials moved towards the finished products, the book or the Vodou Archive.  (See Figure 1, and for the related Vodou Archive digital library, Figures 2 - 4.)\n<div><br clear=\"all\" />\n\n<hr align=\"left\" size=\"1\" width=\"33%\" />\n\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[1]</a> Benjamin Hebblethwaite and Joanne Bartley, <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English </em>\n\n<em>= Chante vodou an kreyo?l ayisyen ak angle</em> (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2012).\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[2]</a> Max Beauvoir, <em>Le Grand Recueil Sacré ou Répertoire des Chansons du Vodou Haïtien </em>(Port-au-Prince: Edisyon Près Nasyonal d Ayiti, 2008).\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[3]</a> Claudine Michel, “Vodou in Haiti: Way of Life and Mode of Survival,” in <em>Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, </em>ed. Claudine Michel and Patrick Bellegarde-Smith (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 27–37.<em></em>\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[4]</a> See Roger Brand, <em>Cultes vodoun et textes oraux des Wéménou du sud Bénin </em>(Munich: Lincom Europa, 2000), 15; Marc Monsia, <em>Religions indigènes et savoir endogène au Bénin </em>(Cotonou, Benin: Les Éditions du Flamboyant, 2003); Gilbert Rouget, <em>La musique et la transe </em>(Paris: Gallimard, 1991 (1980)); and Gilbert Rouget, <em>Initiatique vôdoun, images du rituel: Chants et danses initiatiques pour le culte des vôdoun au Bénin </em>(Saint-Maur, France: Éditions Sépia, 2001), v.\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[5]</a> Max G. Beauvoir, <em>Lapriyè Ginen </em>(Port-au-Prince: Edisyon Près Nasyonal d Ayiti. 2008), 109-110.\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[6]</a> Milo Marcelin, <em>Mythologie Vodou (Rite Arada)</em>,<em> </em>2 vols. (Pétionville: Éditions Canapé Vert, 1950); Laura Boulton, “Laura Boulton’s Songs” (1947), in <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English = Chante vodou an kreyo?l ayisyen ak angle</em>, eds. Benjamin Hebblethwaite and Joanne Bartley (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2012), 127-145;  J.L., “J.L. Songs,” in <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em>,<em> </em>147-184; Harold Courlander, unpublished manuscript (1939–1940), University of Michigan Special Collections Library; Milo Rigaud, <em>La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien: Son temple, ses mystères, sa magie </em>(Paris: Éditions Niclaus, 1953).\n\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<a title=\"\" href=\"#_ftnref\">[7]</a> Albert Valdman, Iskra Iskrova, Jacques Pierre, and Nicolas André, <em>Haitian Creole-English Bilingual Dictionary</em> (Bloomington, IN: Creole Institute, 2007); Bryant Freeman and Jowel Laguerre, <em>Haitian-English Dictionary</em>, 5th ed. (Lawrence, KS: Institute of Haitian Studies, 2004).\n\n&nbsp;\n\n</div>\n</div>\n<div>\n\n<hr align=\"left\" size=\"1\" width=\"33%\" />\n\n<div>\n<div>\n\n <a href=\"#_msoanchor_1\">[C1]</a>The Brand citation is here. The original reference is: (Brand 2000: 15; Monsia 2003; Rouget 1991, 2001: v).  Which of the two Brand books should be referenced (I chose 2000a, but that could be wrong)?\n\n</div>\n</div>\n</div>','Vodou Songs - Hebblethwaite 1','','inherit','open','open','','1504-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:30:17','2012-02-16 08:30:17','',1504,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1504-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1507,13,'2012-02-16 08:31:32','2012-02-16 08:31:32','There were many benefits to working with these undergraduates. The undergraduates chosen to work on this project were balanced bilinguals who demonstrated robust literacy in English and Haitian Creole, which I was able to assess since they had taken my intermediate Haitian Creole course. Florida has a large Haitian-American population that is second only to New York. In my position at the University of Florida, I instruct a significant number of Haitians and Haitian-Americans who have an advanced command of spoken and written Haitian Creole. Due to this strength, it is only natural to cultivate and tap into these talents for the benefit of their professional development and for the momentum of this project. As Haitian Creole is the third most spoken language in Florida after English and Spanish, developing advanced literacy in the language benefits employment prospects and it empowers individuals to seek out unique knowledge that exists only in Haitian Creole. Bilingual and biliterate candidates for employment in Florida’s healthcare industry, tourism industry, government, the law enforcement and judiciary system, transportation, and a host of other industries stand out next to their monolingual peers. Mastery of literacy in two languages is beneficial because knowledge can be acquired and shared via different mediums; individuals with these skills can facilitate communication, accuracy, and productivity.\r\n\r\nComplex and large projects like <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em>—projects that overlap with specialized aspects of culture and language—are best done, I think, in collaboration with others. Since many of the texts are at first obscure, it is helpful to have several individuals bring unique knowledge and skills to the task of translation and interpretation. Each undergraduate editorial assistant has a unique mastery of Haitian Creole and English. Since material is parsed and analyzed by various editorial assistants, over time the collaboration allows for the emergence of an accurate collective transcription and translation. Given their fluency in Haitian Creole and English, the undergraduates provided outstanding transcriptions and translations of Vodou songs and interviews with Vodou practitioners that I could edit and improve upon for the book or <em>The Vodou Archive</em>.','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 2','There were many benefits working with these undergraduates. The undergraduates selected to work for this project were balanced bilinguals who demonstrated robust literacy in English and Haitian Creole, which I was able to assess since they had taken my intermediate Haitian Creole course. ','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-hebblethwaite-2','','','2012-11-28 20:19:36','2012-11-28 20:19:36','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1507',33,'post','',0),(1509,13,'2012-02-16 08:30:57','2012-02-16 08:30:57','','Vodou Songs - Hebblethwaite 2','','inherit','open','open','','1507-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:30:57','2012-02-16 08:30:57','',1507,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1507-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1510,13,'2012-02-16 08:32:20','2012-02-16 08:32:20','The positive responses I received from publishers reinforced my sense that this project would be viable. In addition to this standard measure of academic success, the project itself was very successful as an intellectual and practical collaboration. The undergraduate collaborators worked vigorously and productively, helping to quickly advance the project. Vodou religion itself is a communal phenomenon. Likewise, I want the book and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> to express the unity of our collaboration as a means of ensuring accuracy through multiple voices and perspectives. Plus, as someone who was not raised within Vodou religion, I sensed that my scholarship on Haitian religion and its primary language, Haitian Creole, would benefit from extensive refereeing from a wide variety of informants: from <em>oungan </em>(priests), <em>manbo </em>(priestesses), <em>bòkò </em>(diviners), <em>ounsi</em> (initiates), scholars of all stripes, students in my classes, and the students directly involved in the project. As sharp intellectuals in their own right, these students participated in a triangular working methodology (my students, Vodou practitioners, and me) that helped ensure quality. They lent their talents to correcting, fashioning, and polishing the final product. The book and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are the direct result of sharing texts and ideas through cooperative study, writing, and editing. As several students have native command of Haitian Creole, they were able to bring their deep knowledge and instincts of the language to the tasks I assigned them. Overall, it is the friendship and collegiality of working with people from all walks of life, and the experience of discovery, that has made, and continues to make, this project a great success for me. Writing and editing for academics is often a solitary activity. Working with undergraduate research assistants transformed the experience into a textual conversation about the nature and design of Vodou religion.','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 3','The positive responses I received from publishers reinforced my sense that this project would be viable.  In addition to this standard measure of academic success, the project itself was very successful as an intellectual and practical collaboration. The undergraduate collaborators worked vigorously and productively, helping to quickly advance the project. Vodou religion itself is a communal phenomenon. ','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-hebblethwaite-3','','','2012-11-28 20:21:19','2012-11-28 20:21:19','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1510',34,'post','',0),(1512,13,'2012-02-16 08:31:49','2012-02-16 08:31:49','','Vodou Songs - Hebblethwaite 3','','inherit','open','open','','1510-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:31:49','2012-02-16 08:31:49','',1510,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1510-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1513,13,'2012-02-16 08:33:36','2012-02-16 08:33:36','The major challenges in writing and editing <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are the profusion of variant spelling systems found in Haitian Creole until 1980. Most Haitian-Americans I work with at the University of Florida have limited exposure to written Haitian Creole prior to enrolling in my courses. After a year of intermediate Haitian Creole, it is still typical to misspell certain words. Given that the source texts they work from routinely employ spelling conventions that are no longer current, it is also common for undergraduate research assistants to reproduce the outdated spelling, especially in the cases of words that refer to concepts that are unfamiliar to them. The source text in (a) below, taken from scholar Milo Marcelin (1950), illustrates the base from which transcription (b) and translation (c) were produced:\r\n\r\n(a)\r\n<a href=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/figure_a.png\"><img class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-3242\" title=\"figure_a\" src=\"http://stage.archivejournal.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/figure_a.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"252\" height=\"70\" /></a>\r\n<table width=\"70%\" border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"3\">\r\n<tbody>\r\n<tr>\r\n<td>(b)</td>\r\n<td>(c)</td>\r\n</tr>\r\n<tr>\r\n<td>Danbala Wèdo se koulèv dlo!</td>\r\n<td>Danbala Wèdo is the water snake!</td>\r\n</tr>\r\n<tr>\r\n<td>Chèche Danbala, ki bò w a wè li?</td>\r\n<td>Look for Danbala, where will you see him?</td>\r\n</tr>\r\n<tr>\r\n<td>Papa Danbala se koulèv dlo,</td>\r\n<td>Papa Danbala is the water snake,</td>\r\n</tr>\r\n<tr>\r\n<td>li plonje anba dlo!</td>\r\n<td>he dives under water!</td>\r\n</tr>\r\n</tbody>\r\n</table>\r\n\r\nIn texts like this one, it is common for research assistants to import uncorrected words like <em>Oueddo</em>, or to accidently retain the “c” or the unpronounced “e” in <em>coulève </em>instead of writing the official <em>koulèv</em>. This impacted my work, as it required me to extensively edit the students’ work and send it back for review and correction; while it was labor intensive, the feedback provided the students with the opportunity to master the transcription of Haitian Creole and the translation into English. Students will learn from their mistakes if they can see what they are and have the chance to correct them. It is also common for students to import erroneous grammatical analyses by writing “<em>wa</em>” following <em>oua</em> (in line two), a minor confusion in which separate words are conflated. The correct representation of <em>oua </em>is “<em>w a</em>” (“you will” or “will you,” when used interrogatively as in the above). As senior editor, I had the challenge of constantly encountering examples of outdated spellings that research assistants had unwittingly imported into their transcription.\r\n\r\nThe quality of the undergraduates’ work varied widely. The nuances of the mythology, the “cryptic tricksterism” of Vodou semantics, and the rich—and obscure—idioms, expressions, and conceptualizations of the Haitian Creole language meant that all the texts required years of refinement through the editorial process, which is based upon countless critical re-readings from various points of view.<sup><a href=\"#_ftn4\">[8]</a></sup> Thus, working with undergraduates is rewarding but requires mentoring and patience due to their limited experience.\r\n<div class=\"footnotes\">\r\n<div id=\"_ftn8\" class=\"footnote\">[8] Karen McCarthy Brown, “Plenty Confidence in Myself: The Initiation of a White Woman Scholar into Haitian Vodou,” <em>Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion</em> 3, no. 1 (Spring 1987): 67–76, 74.</div>\r\n</div>','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 4','The major challenges in writing and editing <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are the profusion of variant spelling systems found in Haitian Creole until 1980. Most Haitian-Americans I work with at the University of Florida have limited exposure to written Haitian Creole prior to enrolling in my courses.','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-hebblethwaite-4','','','2012-11-29 05:21:32','2012-11-29 05:21:32','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1513',35,'post','',0),(1515,13,'2012-02-16 08:33:28','2012-02-16 08:33:28','The major challenges in writing and editing <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> are the profusion of variant spelling systems found in Haitian Creole until 1980. Most Haitian-Americans I work with at the University of Florida have limited exposure to written Haitian Creole prior to enrolling in my courses. After a year of intermediate Haitian Creole, it is typical to still misspell certain words. Given that the source texts they work from routinely employ spelling conventions that are no longer current, it is also common for undergraduate research assistants to reproduce the outdated spelling, especially in the cases of words that refer to concepts that are unfamiliar to them. The source text in (a) below, taken from scholar Milo Marcelin (1950), illustrates the base from which transcription (b) and translation (c) were produced:\n\n(a)\n\n(b) (c)\n\nDanbala Wèdo se koulèv dlo! Danbala Wèdo is the water snake!\n\nChèche Danbala, ki bò w a wè li? Look for Danbala, where will you see him?\n\nPapa Danbala se koulèv dlo, Papa Danbala is the water snake,\n\nli plonje anba dlo! he dives under water!\n\n&nbsp;\n\nIn texts like this one, it is common for research assistants to import words like <em>Oueddo </em>uncorrected, or to accidently retain the “c” in <em>coulève </em>instead of writing the official <em>koulèv</em>. This impacted my work as it required that I extensively edit the students’ work and send it back for review and correction; while labor intensive, the feedback provided the students with the opportunity to master the transcription of Haitian Creole and the translation into English. Students will learn from their mistakes if they can see what they are and have the chance to correct them. It is also common for students to import erroneous grammatical analyses by writing “wa” following <em>oua</em> (in line two), a minor confusion in which separate words are conflated. The correct representation of <em>oua </em>is “<em>w a</em>” (‘you will’ or ‘will you,’ when used interrogatively as in the above). As senior editor, I had the challenge of constantly encountering traces of outdated spellings that research assistants had unwittingly imported into their transcription.\n\n&nbsp;\n\nThe quality of the work of the undergraduates varied widely. The nuances of the mythology, the ‘cryptic tricksterism’  of Vodou semantics, and the rich—and obscure—idioms, expressions, and conceptualizations of the Haitian Creole language meant that all the texts required years of refinement through the editorial process which is based upon countless critical re-readings from various points of view. Thus working with undergraduates is rewarding but requires mentoring and patience due to their limited experience.','Vodou Songs - Hebblethwaite 4','','inherit','open','open','','1513-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:33:28','2012-02-16 08:33:28','',1513,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1513-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1516,13,'2012-02-16 08:35:17','2012-02-16 08:35:17','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is being unveiled currently (spring of 2012) in my course “Introduction to Haitian Vodou.” On a weekly basis, different parts of the archive will be highlighted and students will be expected to visit the digital library to read or view the assigned materials. In order to stress the importance of <em>The Vodou Archive</em> as a digital library, I will also require that students write essays about some of its components. As Florida has numerous active Vodou communities, students will be encouraged to produce materials for the archive, such as photographs or recordings from Vodou ceremonies and rituals.\r\n\r\nThe work undertaken in collaboration with undergraduates to produce <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> has been integrated into the curriculum in numerous ways. For example, students are assigned reading materials that spring from the collaboration. Based on the topics selected for essays, students are encouraged to read or examine parts of <em>The Vodou Archive.</em> For example, students who want to write about how Catholic chromolithographs camouflage Vodou <em>lwa</em> (spirits) are encouraged to visit the selection in <em>The Vodou Archive</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/AA00008694/allvolumes2\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); other students might need photographic data about Vodou (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/AA00005507/00001/thumbs\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); other students may need to consult important but hard-to-find works such as Arthur Holly’s (1928) <em>Dra-po</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/UF00076958\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); finally, some students will want to listen to rare recordings made by Maya Deren held exclusively by <em>The Vodou Archive</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/UF00082017\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>). <em>The Vodou Archive</em> is rich and diverse assemblage of documents; while not all of it can be directly included in the curriculum for all students, individual students are encouraged to branch into the parts of the archive that are relevant to their own work.\r\n\r\nAnother way that I will increase student contributions to <em>The Vodou Archive</em> will be through the creation of <em>The Vodou Journal</em>, a planned dimension of the digital archive: ten of the students’ best essays will be submitted to <em>The Vodou Journal</em> for peer review and possible publication. I hope that this unique opportunity for undergraduates to make a significant contribution to the scholarship on Vodou will also stimulate greater attention to writing and introduce undergraduates to the process of scholarly publishing in general.','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 5','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is being unveiled currently (spring of 2012) in my course “Introduction to Haitian Vodou.” On a weekly basis, different parts of the archive will be highlighted and students will be expected to visit the digital library to read or view the assigned materials.  In order to stress the importance of <em>The Vodou Archive</em> as a digital library, I will also require that students write essays about some of its components.','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-hebblethwaite-5','','','2012-11-28 18:46:43','2012-11-28 18:46:43','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1516',36,'post','',0),(1518,13,'2012-02-16 08:33:47','2012-02-16 08:33:47','','Vodou Songs - Hebblethwaite 5','','inherit','open','open','','1516-revision','','','2012-02-16 08:33:47','2012-02-16 08:33:47','',1516,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1516-revision/',0,'revision','',0),(1519,10,'2012-11-28 18:47:48','2012-11-28 18:47:48','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is being unveiled currently (spring of 2012) in my course “Introduction to Haitian Vodou.” On a weekly basis, different parts of the archive will be highlighted and students will be expected to visit the digital library to read or view the assigned materials. In order to stress the importance of <em>The Vodou Archive</em> as a digital library, I will also require that students write essays about some of its components. As Florida has numerous active Vodou communities, students will be encouraged to produce materials for the archive, such as photographs or recordings from Vodou ceremonies and rituals.\n\nThe work undertaken in collaboration with undergraduates to produce <em>Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English</em> and <em>The Vodou Archive</em> has been integrated into the curriculum in numerous ways. For example, students are assigned reading materials that spring from the collaboration. Based on the topics selected for essays, students are encouraged to read or examine parts of <em>The Vodou Archive.</em> For example, students who want to write about how Catholic chromolithographs camouflage Vodou <em>lwa</em> (spirits) are encouraged to visit the selection in <em>The Vodou Archive</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/AA00008694/allvolumes2\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); other students might need photographic data about Vodou (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/AA00005507/00001/thumbs\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); other students may need to consult important but hard-to-find works such as Arthur Holly’s (1928) <em>Dra-po</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/UF00076958\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>); finally, some students will want to listen to rare recordings made by Maya Deren held exclusively by <em>The Vodou Archive</em> (<a href=\"http://www.dloc.com/UF00082017\" target=\"_blank\">click here</a>). <em>The Vodou Archive</em> is rich and diverse assemblage of documents; while not all of it can be directly included in the curriculum for all students, individual students are encouraged to branch into the parts of the archive that are relevant to their own work.\n\nAnother way that I will increase student contributions to <em>The Vodou Archive</em> will be through the creation of <em>The Vodou Journal</em>, a planned dimension of the digital archive: ten of the students’ best essays will be submitted to <em>The Vodou Journal</em> for peer review and possible publication. I hope that this unique opportunity for undergraduates to make a significant contribution to the scholarship on Vodou will also stimulate greater attention to writing and introduce undergraduates to the process of scholarly publishing in general.','Undergraduates in the Archives - Hebblethwaite 5','<em>The Vodou Archive</em> is being unveiled currently (spring of 2012) in my course “Introduction to Haitian Vodou.” On a weekly basis, different parts of the archive will be highlighted and students will be expected to visit the digital library to read or view the assigned materials.  In order to stress the importance of <em>The Vodou Archive</em> as a digital library, I will also require that students write essays about some of its components.','inherit','open','open','','1516-autosave','','','2012-11-28 18:47:48','2012-11-28 18:47:48','',1516,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1516-autosave/',0,'revision','',0),(1520,13,'2012-02-16 08:27:53','2012-02-16 08:27:53','','Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English and the Journey to The Vodou Archive','','inherit','open','open','','1500-revision-2','','','2012-02-16 08:27:53','2012-02-16 08:27:53','',1500,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1500-revision-2/',0,'revision','',0),(1521,13,'2012-02-16 08:36:31','2012-02-16 08:36:31','','Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English and the Journey to The Vodou Archive','','inherit','open','open','','1500-revision-3','','','2012-02-16 08:36:31','2012-02-16 08:36:31','',1500,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1500-revision-3/',0,'revision','',0),(1527,13,'2012-02-16 20:22:25','2012-02-16 20:22:25','My experience in the archive directly contributed to my interest in graduate school, which is perhaps unsurprising when you think about the demands of archival work. The move from undergraduate to graduate study shares the guiding principles of archival work. You must first learn what others have said, before delving into the topics that demand further examination. Archival research, in this sense, is the never-ending game of hide-and-seek with that perfect research subject we yen for in each new project, class, and semester.\r\n\r\nAside from its importance in training future scholars, archival work is significant even for students who have less professional allegiance to the academy. Original research is a principle worth incorporating in undergraduate course design, as it signifies the marketable job-placement skills that supposedly evidence proper university training. In the 1997 <em>Harper’s Magazine</em> essay “On the Uses of a Liberal Education,” Mark Edmundson suggests undergraduate study has become “lite entertainment for bored college students.” He writes, “University culture, like American culture writ large, is, to put it crudely, ever more devoted to consumption and entertainment, to the using and using up of goods and images.”<sup><a href=\"#_ftn1\">[1]</a></sup> Edmundson goes on to argue that the transactional nature of undergraduate study creates an imbalance between what professors put into a syllabus and what students get out of it. But if we think about archival research as a process of skill development, it just may serve as a corrective to the literal and figurative banking of education.\r\n\r\nArchival work is often thought to be methodologically opposed to new media research techniques; thus, the theory goes, undergraduates, as “digital natives,” must learn and maintain a skill set in the archive apart from their new media literacy. How, for example, should undergraduates be expected to navigate the thick mess of a paper archive when Facebook and Twitter are their daily information grounds, where information streams are updated automatically and search boxes are never further than the top of the page? If the job market is increasingly concerned with social media, why should students spend time poring over “dead” technologies? Contrary to the notion that the archive and new media are irreconcilable, we might instead think of them as complementary educational forces. It is no coincidence, for example, that undergraduates in the archive are more likely to be keen and discerning arbiters of information.\r\n<div class=\"footnotes\">\r\n<div id=\"_ftn1\" class=\"footnote\">[1] Mark Edmundson, “On the Uses of a Liberal Education: I. As Lite Entertainment for Bored College Students,” <em>Harper’s Magazine</em>, September 1997, 40.</div>\r\n<div></div>\r\n</div>','Undergraduates in the Archives - Gotkin 2','My experience in the archive directly contributed to my interest in graduate school, which is perhaps unsurprising when you think about the demands of archival work. The move from undergraduate to graduate study shares the guiding principles of archival work. ','publish','open','open','','undergraduates-in-the-archives-gotkin-2','','','2012-11-30 05:00:13','2012-11-30 05:00:13','',0,'http://www.archivejournal.net/?p=1527',28,'post','',0),(1529,13,'2012-02-16 20:21:56','2012-02-16 20:21:56','','Vodou Songs - Gotkin 2','','inherit','open','open','','1527-revision','','','2012-02-16 20:21:56','2012-02-16 20:21:56','',1527,'http://www.archivejournal.net/2012/02/1527-revision/',0,'revision','',0),