<em>The Dao De Jing</em> is a wisdom text whose teachings form the basis of Daoism, a school of thought that is based on the principles of simplicity of life and non-striving. Daoism encourages its followers to live according to the Dao, or Way, which can be described as finding the path to fulfillment through the wise application of silence and non-action, allowing nature to take its course. The Dao De Jing emerged in China at approximately 500 B.C., a time when life was changing from pastoral seclusion to a more regimented society in the wake of newfound political and philosophical systems. The simplicity that Daoism encouraged was meant to help its followers balance the requirements of a new achievement driven society with the passive reflection that had been encouraged by earlier stages of Chinese culture.  Learning to take relief from a hectic world by tuning in to the rhythms of nature can be a very therapeutic way of reconnecting with our humanity and cultivating a peaceful society. Future generations should have the opportunity to reflect on this path to stillness, opened by <em>The Dao De Jing</em>.

<em>The Dao De Jing</em> consists of two complementary halves, the 37 verse Dao portion and the 44 verse De portion that follows it. Translated literally, the title means “The Canonical Text (Jing) of The Way (Dao) and Virtue (De)” (Roberts 3). Prior to the ascension of Emperor Ching in 156 B.C. the book was simply called <em>The Lao Tzu, </em>after its author. The emperor was so impressed with the work that he elevated it to the status of a <em>Jing</em>, or sacred text (Chen 43).

The Dao part of the book describes an un-nameable, indescribable force from which all other things flow. The Dao simply creates and sets things into motion; it does not guide or expect any sort of tribute (Roberts 21).  The objects and forces that the Dao unleashes are known as the ten thousand things. The only influence that the Dao seems to exert is by imbuing each of the ten thousand things with a unique nature, through which they interact and find their proper purpose. The Dao is both remote and ever present; remote in its impartiality, and ever present as the source from which everything flows.

Once the Dao has been revealed, the book goes on to describe how the sage follows the Dao just as heaven and earth do; by striving not for themselves but by simply carrying out the role for which they were created. In not actively seeking their own gain they naturally find their proper place, in which they will thrive. It goes on to apply these principles to government, warning against the heavy hand that will make the people feel untrustworthy, and so behave in an untrustworthy way. If a leader takes a more natural approach the people will go about their business as a matter of course (Tzu 97).

The Daoist is also discouraged from being boastful, which is described as a “superfluous action[s]” (Tzu 115). War is also inconsistent with the Dao; even a successful military conquest is sure to sow the seeds of future difficulty (Tzu 128). In the wake of an all pervasive Dao, all of this striving and personal ambition is unnecessary: “Nothing under heaven can subjugate it. If kings and barons can abide by it, all creatures will arrive as guests to a banquet” (Tzu 133). One of the final verses of the Dao chapter gives what I feel is a great summation of the ways of the Dao:

1.      The great Tao [sic] floods over, to the left, to the right

2.      Ten thousand beings live by it, and it does not reject them. Work is accomplished, yet it has no name. It clothes and nourishes ten thousand beings, but does not lord over them.

3.      Always without desire, it may be named the small; ten thousand beings return to it, yet is does not lord over them, it may be named the great.

4.      Because it never considers itself great, therefore it can accomplish its greatness (Tzu 137-138).

Now that the Dao has been properly introduced, the book shifts its focus to the De, or virtue, that may be gained through following the Dao.  The virtuous sage is described as having “...no set mind, he takes the mind of the people as his mind.” This is how the Sage selflessly arrives at the best point of view from which to guide the people according to the De of the Dao. Like the impartial Dao, he is accepting of the good and the evil alike, treating “...them all like children.” This causes the people to “...lift up their eyes and ears...” The good remain so because they have not been interfered with, and the evil become good because they have been accepted and not accused. This is how the Dao cultivates virtue.

Once society is operating in tune with the impartial Dao, the principles of non-striving and simplicity again enter the picture. In a virtuous society, education is to be shunned because it makes the people difficult to rule (Tzu 204). Government, too, is meant to be kept “dull” in order to make the people “wholesome” (Tzu 191). The ideally virtuous society is described in the next to last verse of the Dao De Jing:

Let them enjoy their food, consider their clothing beautiful, be contented with their dwellings, and happy with their customs. The neighbouring [sic] states overlooking one another, the dogs’ barking and the cocks’ crowings [sic] are heard from other states, yet till they are old and dying the people do not visit one another (Tzu 228).

This simple but contented lifestyle is to be cultivated by the sage, who again spreads his virtuous ways by simply setting a good example:

Therefore the sage says: I do not act, hence the people transform themselves; I love tranquility, hence the people are normal by themselves; I have no business, hence the people grow rich by themselves; I have no desire, hence the people are like the uncarved [sic] wood by themselves (Tzu, 190).

Preserving this simple, virtuous lifestyle was the main reason that the Dao De Jing was written. The book was originally said to be the work of a wise man known as Lao Tzu, who recorded his thoughts circa 500 B.C. In the introduction to his translation of the work, Jonathan Star gives an engaging account of the Dao De Jing’s creation myth:

…during the time of Confucius (around 500 B.C.) Lao-tsu [sic] practiced <em>Tao</em> [sic] and <em>Te</em> [sic] (The Supreme way and its Expression) and focused his teachings on humility and being nameless. He was the keeper of the royal archives in the state of Chou. After he foresaw that the state would fall into decay, he packed his belongings and decided to leave through the Western gateway. The gatekeeper, Yin-his, seeing that this great sage was about to leave the world said, “Master, you are about to renounce this world, please compose a book for me.” Thereupon the “Old Master” came down from his oxcart, took out his pen and ink, and began to compose a book of two parts, discussing Tao [sic] and Te [sic]. Several hours later, Lao-tsu [sic] handed the finished text of slightly more than five thousand characters to the gatekeeper and then departed toward the West (Star 1).

The decay spoken of refers to the fall of the kingdom of Zhou (Chou), and Lao Tzu’s role as its archivist is significant. For centuries, Zhou seems to have been the spiritual center of the various Chinese states. Zhou was considered the last refuge of the cultural traditions of the people’s “founding fathers”. Though it was a small kingdom, its ruler was considered a royal “Son of Heaven” who received tribute from the surrounding larger states in the name of ritual and diplomacy. In Lao Tzu’s time the influence of Zhou was waning as larger states conquered and absorbed other kingdoms (Roberts 10-11). It seems that the book now known as <em>The Dao De Jing</em> may have been Lao Tzu’s (successful) attempt to preserve the wisdom he had acquired through his time in Zhou and his access to its archives.

This view had been challenged in the 1920’s and 1930’s by scholars who felt that the work’s characteristics were more in keeping with the “Warring States” period (403-222 B.C.) which followed the “Spring and Autumn” period (722-481 B.C.) in which Lao Tzu lived. Another scholar, D.C. Lau, determined that the work was a compilation that borrowed from earlier sources (Henricks 2). Recently discovered manuscripts may prove that all three of these stories have a measure of truth.

In 1973, two complete manuscripts of <em>The Dao De Jing </em>were found in the tomb of the son of an official that was sealed in 168 B.C. The manuscripts themselves date from 200 B.C. and include the complete modern text, however the De portion precedes the Dao portion and there are no chapter divisions and page numbers. The text was found among other important documents on topics such as politics and cosmology. This shows that by 200 B.C. the text was already complete and was revered enough to be included in the tomb of an important citizen.

Then, in 1993, another manuscript was discovered in a tomb that had been sealed a full century earlier in 300 B.C. The tomb belonged to a royal tutor and <em>The Dao De Jing</em> was again found among other important documents, further illustrating the reverence that was already attached to it (Roberts 4-5)<em>.</em> This earlier text is known as <em>The Guodian Laozi</em> after the location where it was found, and has some interesting characteristics that invite speculation. The text is not complete, and includes only one of the many chapters that discusses the Dao in detail. Likewise, only one of the chapters that describe the “Way of Heaven” is included. These omitted chapters contain many anti-aristocracy sentiments, which is significant. Also, the feminine aspects that are portrayed in the full text are absent in <em>The Guodian Laozi.</em>

Some have argued that this means that the text was not yet complete, which is a viable possibility. I would like to offer another theory. It is possible that redundant verses were omitted to expedite the instruction of a royal pupil who was undoubtedly studying other lengthy texts at the same time. The anti-aristocracy portions could have been omitted so as not to offend a wealthy patron. And, the more feminine verses could have been omitted so as not to undermine the masculinity of a future sovereign.

This angle shows that it is very possible that <em>The Guodian Laozi</em> could be a selection of key verses from an already completed volume. Taking into consideration that the manuscript had already been in use before the tomb was sealed and that it must have been copied from an older source, the text could have been completed as early as 350-400 B.C. Added to this is the fact that <em>The Dao De Jing</em> also would have needed to circulate for quite some time to become revered as a sacred text.

Reinforcing the early date theory are several ancient accounts of Lao Tzu, his preeminent wisdom, and his understanding of the Dao. The story of Lao Tzu’s life and works seems to have existed as a widely known and at times varied oral tradition. There was no controversy about the origins of <em>The Dao De Jing</em> until a certain historian sought to write Lao Tzu’s biography sometime after 255 B.C. and was unable to find a definitive source (Chen, 18).

Still, there is evidence that <em>The Dao De Jing</em> was modified numerous times for political reasons (Star, 5). Taken as a whole, the evidence seems to indicate that around 500 B.C. Lao Tzu drafted a wisdom text that probably drew from the archives of Zhou that later generations edited for their own purposes. All of this controversy and manipulation demonstrate that even in ancient times <em>The Dao De Jing</em> was a widely read and appreciated work that held a privileged position in Chinese culture.

In modern times, <em>The Dao De Jing</em> continues to be contemplated and admired. Jonathan Star considers <em>The Dao De Jing</em> to be a text that must be studied in depth if its true meaning is to be revealed, in order to transcend the view of only one translator. Once he felt that he had grasped its true meaning, he realized that “It was never meant to fully explain the mysteries of the universe, only to allude to them.” Star also says that he “…was moved by the power of its words and the mystical spirit it imparted” (2-3).

Moss Roberts compares sections of <em>The Dao De Jing </em>to “…paintings of striking detail that compel the gaze but always remain partly out of focus.” He describes the broad range of topics that <em>The Dao De Jing</em> covers as beyond compare in western literature. He also believes that <em>The Dao De Jing</em> shares characteristics with the works of authors such as Lucretius, Gandhi, and even Thoreau (2).

The enigmatic style of <em>The Dao De Jing<strong> </strong></em>is one of its main innovations. The text leads the reader to discover their own inner perspective, much like a Rorschach test. It was also popularized during a time that was awash in philosophical treatises, known as the era of “100 Schools of Thought.” <em>The Dao De Jing’s</em> origins in the idealized ways of the waning kingdom of Zhou can be seen as both innovative and typical for its time. This is innovative in that most were turning away from these traditional ways in favor of newer and more aggressive ideologies. This can also be considered typical as the traditional ways espoused in <em>The Dao De Jing</em> formed the backdrop against which these new philosophies were compared.

Daoism was one of the most prominent schools to emerge from the “100 Schools” period, the other was Confucianism. Confucianism originated with a sage named Confucius, whose thoughts and recommendations were recorded in a book known as <em>The Analects</em>. <em>The Analects of Confucius</em> and <em>The Dao De Jing </em>serve as “…philosophical counterpart[s]” and represent the opposite ends of China’s philosophical culture. While <em>The Dao De Jing </em>is more “reflective”, <em>The Analects</em> can be seen as promoting an “activist” stance (Roberts, 8).

<em>The Analects </em>document Confucius’ efforts to build a name for himself as a wise teacher. His ultimate goal was to gain a position as an official in some local government so that he could use his position to spread his teachings throughout the land. This blatant ambition could not be further removed from <em>The Dao De Jing’s </em>doctrine of non-action.

Still, throughout <em>The Analects</em> Confucius speaks of himself as one who pursues the Dao. In the second verse of book one he tries to tease out the specific actions that will make the way flourish, using the context of social roles (47). This demonstrates the real world focus of <em>The Analects</em> versus the spiritual translucence of <em>The Dao De Jing.</em> Later, in the tenth verse of the same book, Confucius is described as seeking information “…through gentleness, benevolence, respectfulness, frugality, and deference” (49).  The overall impression is that Confucius had become familiar with the Way and was attempting to put it into practical terms that could be easily taught and understood.

Even though many verses of <em>The Analects</em> show a preoccupation with the Way, the two works disagree on many points. Learning and self development are repeatedly stressed as essential. Specific behaviors are also recommended for certain situations. Confucius himself also traveled extensively, rejecting the contented, stationary life recommended in <em>The Dao De Jing</em> (Confucius). <em>The Dao De Jing </em>offered a spiritual counterpoint to the achievement driven teachings of <em>The Analects.</em>

My personal reaction to <em>The Dao De Jing</em> is that it is a thought provoking and unique look at life. It was easy to see how in a world without aggressors or competition the concepts that are alluded to would lead to a happy population. The elusive yet descriptive language is truly the work of a master wordsmith and the figurative illustrations give insight even as they prompt the reader to consider their own inner perspective. It is clearly the product of a culture that places great value on spiritual well being.

Future generations should know that <em>The Dao De Jing</em> was written to preserve the ways of an idealized era when people took a more peaceful approach to life. Its role as a tranquil refuge in an era of great upheaval should also be remembered, and the transcendent quality of the prose should be available to inspire those in need of respite themselves. <em>The Dao De Jing </em>is without compare, and should remain a part of humanity’s cultural legacy.

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Works Cited:

Chen, Ellen M. "The Tao Te Ching: An Introduction." Introduction. <em>The Tao Te Ching: A New Translation With Commentary</em>. By Lao Tzu. New York: Paragon House, 1989. 3-48. Print.

Confucius. <em>The Analects of Confucius: Lun Yu</em>. Trans. Chichung Huang. New York: Oxford UP, 1997. Print.

Henricks, Robert G. "Introduction." Introduction. <em>Lao Tzu's Tao Te Ching: A Translation of the  Startling New Documents Found at Guodian</em>. By Lao Tzu. New York: Columbia UP, 2000. 1-22. Print.

Roberts, Moss. "Introduction." Introduction. <em>Dao De Jing: The Book of the Way</em>. By Laozi. Berkeley [etc.: University of California, 2001. 1-23. Print.

Star, Jonathan. Introduction. <em>Tao Te Ching: The Definitive Edition</em>. By Lao Tzu. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putnam, 2001. 1-11. Print.

Tzu, Lao. <em>The Tao Te Ching: A New Translation With Commentary</em>. Trans. Ellen M. Chen. New  York: Paragon House, 1989. Print.